/ 


ROBERT  FULTON 

AND    THE 

SUBMARINE 


COLUMBIA  TTNIVERSITy  PRESS 

Columbia  University 
New  York 

SALES   AGENTS 

London 

HUMPHREY  MH^FORD 

Amen  Corner,  E.C. 

Shanghai 

EDWARD   EVANS  &  SONS,  Ltd. 

30  North  Szechuen  Road 


ROBERT   FULTON 

n65-«815 

FXOM    A   SELF   PORTRAIT   IN  THE    POSSESSION   OF    L      F      lOREt 


PORTRAIT   OF   FULTON 


ROBERT  FULTON 

AND 

THE  SUBMARINE 


BY 


WM.  BARCLAY  PARSONS 


m^ 


]  >     •■         =    °  .' 


COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

1922 

All  rights  reserved 


Copyright,  ig22 
By  Columbia  University  Press 


',  ."■ :  :PiiaWd  from  type.     Published  December,  1922 


«      1  *  * 


PRINTED    BY 
THE    PLIMPTON    PRESS 
NORWOOD-MASS- U-S -A 


To 

A.   R.   P. 

WHO   IN    THE    LINE    OF    DUTY    DURING    THE    WORLD    WAR 

CROSSED    AND    RECROSSED    THE    HOSTILE   SUBMARINE    ZONE 

THIS    ACCOUNT    OF    THE    FIRST    SUBMARINE 

IS    INSCRIBED 

W.  B.  P. 


61561 


FOREWORD 

That  Robert  Fulton  devoted  some  attention  to  the 
possibility  of  an  underwater  boat  during  the  years  when 
his  mind  was  laboring  with  plans  for  the  propulsion 
of  boats  by  steam,  has  been  known  since  that  time.  Not, 
however,  until  1896,  did  it  become  clear  to  what  extent 
he  had  carried  his  ideas.  In  that  year  Lieut.  Emile 
Duboc  discovered  in  the  Archives  Nationales  in  Paris 
the  full  account  of  Fulton's  negotiations  with  the  French 
Government  and  the  plans  of  the  boat  that  he  had  con- 
structed, and  in  which  he  actually  plunged.  Other  in- 
vestigators, chiefly  Lieut.  Maurice  Delpeuch  of  the 
French  navy  and  Mr.  S.  L.  Pesce,  have  made  public  this 
interesting  record.  To  their  respective  treatises,  "  Les 
Sous-Marines  a  travers  les  Siecles  "  and  '*  La  Naviga- 
tion sous  marine  "  the  author  of  this  book  is  indebted 
for  much  information. 

It  was  also  known  that  Fulton  left  France  for  England 
in  1804  presumably  to  work  for  the  government  of  the 
latter  country  in  the  development  of  torpedoes.  It  has 
been  supi:)osed  that  he  made  some  suggestions  for  a 
submarine,  suggestions  that  were  not  taken  seriously. 
His  first  biographer,  Cadwallader  D.  Golden,  and  his 
own  published  writings  make  no  reference  to  an  under- 
water boat.  But  such  a  boat  was  the  basis  and  essence 
of  his  work  and  not  merely  an  incidental  suggestion. 
The  lack  of  knowledge  and  consequently  the  erroneous 
supposition  are  due  to  the  fact  that  what  he  actually 
proposed  to  the  government  was  purposely  kept  secret 
for  political  reasons.  A  manuscript  wholly  in  Fulton's 
handwriting,  signed  in  three  places,  and  large,  carefully 

vii 


viii  FOREWORD 

executed  water-colored  drawings  made  and  each  signed 
by  him  have  recently  been  found  in  England.  This 
manuscript  and  drawings  show  that  the  main  idea  that 
he  laid  before  the  British  Government  was  a  sea-going 
submarine  vastly  superior  to  the  one  that  he  had  pre- 
viously submitted  to  the  French  authorities.  The  manu- 
script and  other  substantiating  documents  and  letters 
that  have  been  examined  prove  clearly  that  it  was  alarm 
on  the  part  of  the  British  Admiralty  regarding  his 
initial  French  submarine  that  led  the  government  to 
induce  Fulton  to  go  to  England  and  place  himself  and 
his  devices  unreservedly  at  their  service. 

This  record,  now  published  for  the  first  time,  shows 
that  Robert  Fulton  was  unquestionably  the  first  one  to 
design  a  practical  vessel  capable  of  submerging  and 
rising  at  will,  that  could  keep  the  sea  for  an  extended 
period  of  time  with  a  large  crew,  and  that  could  be  pro- 
pelled either  on  or  beneath  the  surface,  or  that  could 
lie  safely  at  anchor  under  either  condition.  The  record 
also  shows  that  Fulton  foresaw  with  extraordinary 
clearness  conditions  that  might  arise,  and  which  actually 
did  come  to  pass  in  the  great  war  recently  ended. 

Fulton's  manuscripts  and  letters  are  reprinted  exactly 
as  he  wrote  them  so  far  as  access  has  been  had  to  the 
originals,  words  that  he  erased  are  enclosed  in  brackets. 
Some  of  his  letters  taken  from  books  have  evidently  been 
corrected  in  their  orthography  before  publication.  In 
such  cases  the  published  text  has  been  followed. 

In  the  preparation  of  this  book  the  author  has  been 
assisted,  and  for  which  assistance  he  makes  grateful 
recognition,  by  Mrs.  Alice  Crary  Sutcliffe  and  Mr. 
Edward  C.  Cammann,  descendants  of  Mr.  Fulton,  who 
have  kindly  placed  at  the  author's  use  their  great  grand- 
father's papers;  by  Mr.  L.  F.  Loree  who  did  the  same 
with  his  collection  of  Fultoniana;  by  the  British  Am- 
bassador who  procured  a  search  of  the  British  Govern- 


FOREWORD  ix 

ment  records,  and  by  the  New  Jersey  Historical  Society. 
The  author  has  drawn  from  a  number  of  works  on 
Fulton,  particularly  the  biography  by  Golden  (1817) 
and  ''  Robert  Fulton  "  by  H.  A.  Dickenson  (1913),  as 
well  as  the  French  volimaes  above  mentioned. 

Wm.  Barclay  Parsons 

New  York,  1922. 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER   1 

Page 

From  Art  to  Engineering 1 

Instructions  to  Barlow  regarding  the  "Drawings  and  Descriptions". 
Fulton's  youth  (1765-1782).  Residence  in  England  studying  art 
(1786-1793).  Change  from  art  to  engineering  as  a  vocation  (1793). 
Arrival  in  France  (1798). 

CHAPTER   II 

Early  Attempts  at  Sub-surface   Navigation 15 

Fulton's  first  efforts  for  mechanical  navigation.  Some  early  sub- 
marines:   Bourne,  Van  Drebbel,  Mercenne,  de  Son,  Wilkins,  Bushnell. 

CHAPTER   III 

Fulton's  First  Submarine 24 

Fulton  begins  work  on  a  submarine  (1797).  Nautilus  laimched  at 
Rouen  (1800).  Havre  experiments.  Fulton  aided  by  Monge  and  Laplace. 
Received  in  audience  by  Napoleon  Bonaparte.  Hopes  and  disappoint- 
ments. 

CHAPTER  IV 

Negotiations  with  France 39 

Nautilus  reconstructed  and  tested  at  Brest  (1801).  Reports  to  Monge, 
Laplace  and  Volney.  Great  expectations.  Final  rejection  (1802). 
Partnership  with  Robert  R.  Livingston.  Work  begun  on  steamboat. 
British  Admiralty  aware  of  his  submarine  accomplishment.  Induced  to 
return  to  England  (May,  1804). 


CHAPTER   V 
The  "Drawings  and  Descriptions" 54 


CHAPTER  VI 

The  British  Contract 78 

Size  of  the  "Drawings  and  Descriptions."  Pseudonyms.  Pro- 
posals. Contract  with  the  British  government.  Was  Fulton  false 
to  his  principles  in  supporting  Great  Britain  against  France?  His  finan- 
cial position  under  the  contract. 

xi 


xii  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  VII 

Paqb 

Experience  in  England 93 

Attack  on  fleet  at  Boulogne.  Torpedoing  of  Dorothea  (1805). 
Effect  of  Trafalgar  on  Fulton's  work.  Copies  of  "Drawings  and  Des- 
criptions." Intent  of  government  not  to  proceed  with  the  submarine. 
Correspondence  with  Lord  Hawkesbury  and  Mr.  Pitt  (1804).  Com- 
mission of  investigation  appointed.  Decision  adverse  to  a  submarine. 
Nevertheless  Pitt  signs  contract. 

CHAPTER  VIII 

Negotiations  with  Cabinet 103 

Fulton  begins  to  have  doubts  of  accomphshment  (1805).  Correspond- 
ence with  Mr.  Pitt  and  Lord  Castlereagh  reciting  his  contract,  rights 
and  claims.  Pitt  dies  (Jan.  1806)  and  Fulton  begins  anew  with  Lord 
Grenville  and  Lord  Howick. 

CHAPTER   IX 

Further  Correspondence 114 

Demand  for  arbitrators.  Further  correspondence  with  Lord  Gren- 
ville and  Howick. 

CHAPTER  X 

The  Failure  of  the  Negotiations 124 

Arbitrators  appointed.  Fulton's  presentation  of  his   case    (Aug. 

1806).        Arbitrators  decide  against  Fulton.        He  makes  a  last  appeal 
to  Lord  Grenville,  reviewing  whole  case  (Sept.  1806).        No  reply. 

CHAPTER   XI 

Return  to  America 139 

Summary  of  the  British  Negotiations.  America  used  as  a  threat. 
Offer  of  neutrality.  Fulton's  review  of  the  past  and  plans  for  the 
future.        Appeal  to  Jefferson.        Departure  for  home. 

CHAPTER  XII 

Examination  of  Fulton's  Design 146 

What  the  Nautilus  accomplished.  The  British  design  compared  with 
that  of  the  Nautilus.  Folding  propeller.  Horizontal  propeller. 
Details  of  machinery.  Effectiveness  of  the  vessel.  Screening  the 
Channel. 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 

Robert  Fulton  (self-portrait) Frontispiece 

TO   FACE   PAGE 

Title  page  of  "  Report  on  the  Canal  between  the  Rivers  Heyl  and 

Helford" 8 

Jonathan  Hulls'  Steamboat,  1737      16 

de  Son's  Underwater  Boat,  1653 18 

Fulton's  ''  Nautilus,"  1798 26 

Manuscript  page  of  ''Drawings  and  Descriptions"  with  Fulton's 

signature S4 

Manuscript  page  from  "  Drawings  and  Descriptions  " 56 

Fulton's  Drawings  of  Submarine :  Plate  the  First 60 

Plate  the  Second 61 

Plate  the  Third 62 

Plate  the  Fourth 63 

Plate  the  Fifth 64 

Plate  the  Sixth 65 

Plate  the  Seventh 66 

Plate  the  Eighth 68 

Plate  the  Ninth 70 

Plate  the  Tenth 72 

Plate  the  Eleventh 74 

Plate  the  Twelfth 76 

Compressed  Air  Cylinder 77 


xiu 


ROBERT  FULTON  AND  THE 
SUBMARINE 

Chapter  I 
FROM   ART    TO   ENGINEERINa 

Instructions  to  Barlow  regarding  the  "  Drawings  and  Descriptions." 
Fulton's  youth  (1765-1782),  Residence  in  England  sti-dj'ing  Art 
(1786-1793).  Change  from  art  to  engineering  as  a  vocation  (1793). 
Arrival  in  France   (1798).  ,    , 


^^ .  .  .  .1  am  now  busy  winding  up  everything  and 
will  leave  London  about  the  23rd  inst.  for  Falmouth 
from  whence  I  shall  sail  in  the  packet  the  first  week 
in  October  and  be  with  you,  I  hope,  in  November, 
perhaps  about  the  14th,  my  birthday,  so  you  must  have 
a  roast  goose  ready.  The  packet,  being  well  manned 
and  provided  will  be  more  commodious  and  safe  for  an 
autumn  passage,  and  I  think  there  will  be  little  or  no 
risk;  at  least  I  prefer  taking  all  the  risk  there  is  to 
idling  here  a  winter.  But  although  there  is  not  much 
risk,  yet  accidents  may  happen,  and  that  the  produce 
of  my  studies  and  experience  may  not  be  lost  to  my 
country,  I  have  made  out  a  complete  set  of  drawings 
and  descriptions  of  my  whole  system  of  submarine 
attack.  .  .  .  These  with  my  will,  I  shall  put  in  a  tin 
cylinder,  sealed  and  leave  them  in  the  care  of  General 
Lyman,  not  to  be  opened  unless  I  am  lost.  Should  such 
an  event  happen,  I  have  left  you  the  means  to  publish 
these  works,  with  engravings,  in  a  handsome  manner, 
and  to  which  you  will  add  your  own  ideas  —  showing 
how  the  liberty  of  the  seas  may  be  gained  by  such  means.'* 

1 


2      ROBERT  FULTON  AND  THE  SUBMARINE 

Thus  Robert  Fulton  wrote  to  Joel  Barlow  who  had 
been  his  close  friend  and  faithful  guide  since  his  arrival 
in  Paris  in  1797.  The  letter  of  which  the  above  is  but 
an  extract  is  dated  London,  September,  1806,  and  was 
written,  as  the  context  shows,  on  the  eve  of  his  final 
departure  from  England,  after  a  residence  abroad  of 
nearly  twenty  years.  General  Lyman  to  whom  he  re- 
ferred had  been  appointed  American  Consul  in  London 
in  1805,  in  which  capacity  he  served  until  he  died  in  1811. 

Joel  Barlow  was  in  his  day  a  person  of  considerable 
importance.    Born  in  1754,  in  Connecticut,  educated  at 
Dart^iouth  and  Yale,  he  first  studied  theology  and  then 
law.     Though  he  practised  these  professions  in  turn  for 
a  short  time,  he  retired  from  both  to  devote  himself  to 
literature.     In  1788,  he  went  to  London  and  Paris  to 
market  some  lands  in  Ohio,  an  unfortunate  undertaking. 
While  in  Europe,  he  became  interested  in  liberal  politics, 
even  to  the  extent  of  standing  as  a  candidate  for  elec- 
tion to  the  French  Convention  of  1793.    After  having 
acquired  a  competence  in  commerce,  and  after  a  short 
but  highly  creditable  service  as  American  Consul  at 
Algiers,  he  returned  to  Paris  and  resumed  his  literary 
life,  his  principal  production  being  a  poem  entitled, 
**  The  Columbiad."     In  1805,  he  returned  to  America, 
remaining  there  until   1811,   when  he  was   appointed 
American    Commissioner    to    Emperor    Napoleon.     He 
joined  the  latter  at  Vilna  in  1812,  during  the  Russian 
campaign  and,  as  the  result  of  exposure  to  inclement 
conditions  on  the  disastrous  retreat  from  Moscow  in 
the  same  year,  died  in  Poland  on  Christmas  eve.   Barlow 
was  enough  older  than  Fulton  to  be  accepted  not  only 
as  a  friend,  but  as  a  counsellor,  while  his  character,  ex- 
perience and  views  on  world  questions  appealed  to  the 
enthusiastic    yoimger    American    in    whom    there    was 
curiously  blended  a  high  development  of  an  artistic 
temperament   and   scientific   genius,   and  who   was   in 


FROM   ART   TO   ENGINEERING  3 

thorough  sympathy  with  the  extreme  liberal  movement 
of  the  period  that  Barlow  to  some  extent  approved. 

When  Fulton  arrived  in  Paris  in  1797,  he  at  once 
called  on  Barlow.  The  two  men  were  mutually  attracted 
and  there  soon  sprang  up  an  intimacy  that  was  to  de- 
velop into  the  most  affectionate  friendship.  This  inti- 
macy has  been  compared  to  that  existing  between  father 
and  son,  or  rather  between  parents  and  son  because  Mrs. 
Barlow  joined  with  her  husband  in  taking  Fulton  into 
their  lives.  This  they  did  the  more  readily  as  they  had 
no  children  of  their  own.  As  evidence  of  the  relation, 
they  gave  Fulton  the  nickname  of  "  Toot.*' 

Cadwallader  D.  Golden,  in  his  biographical  memoir 
of  Fulton,  finds  no  fitter  words  to  describe  this  friend- 
ship than  by  quoting  as  he  says,  "  the  warm  language 
of  one  who  participated  in  the  sentiments  expressed." 
From  this  description  of  the  quotation  by  Golden,  it  is 
evident  that  the  words  were  those  of  Mrs.  Barlow  her- 
self, who  was  still  alive  when  Golden  was  writing  the 
memoir  in  1817.  The  quotation  that  Golden  gives  is  as 
follows : 

Here  commenced  that  strong  affection,  that  devoted  attach- 
ment, that  real  friendship  which  subsisted  in  a  most  extraor- 
dinary degree  between  Mr.  Barlow  and  Mr.  Fulton  during  their 
lives.  Soon  after  Mr.  Fulton's  arrival  in  Paris,  Mr.  Barlow 
removed  to  his  own  hotel  and  invited  Mr.  Fulton  to  reside 
with  him.  Mr.  Fulton  lived  seven  years  in  Mr.  Barlow's 
family,  during  which  time  he  learnt  the  French  and  something 
of  the  Italian  and  German  languages.  He  also  studied  the 
high  mathematics,  chymistry  and  perspective,  and  acquired  that 
science  which,  when  united  with  his  uncommon  natural  genius, 
gave  him  so  great  a  superiority  over  many  of  those  who,  with 
some  talents  but  without  any  sort  of  science,  have  pretended 
to  be  his  rivals. 

The  house  in  which  the  Barlows  lived  in  Paris  and 
where  Fulton  lived  with  them  for  much  of  the  time,  was 


4      ROBERT  FULTON  AND  THE  SUBMARINE 

No.  59,  Rue  Vaugirard.  The  above  quotation  gives  a 
suggestion  of  what  the  Barlows  must  have  been  to  Fulton 
during  his  struggles  in  a  foreign  land,  with  visions  of 
success  almost  attained  alternating  with  bitter  dis- 
appointments. It  was  but  natural  that  the  affection  of 
Joel  Barlow  should  be  reciprocated  and,  consequently, 
when  facing  in  1806  the  then  not  inconsiderable  danger 
of  a  transatlantic  voyage,  it  was  to  Barlow  that  he  en- 
trusted the  task  of  publishing  the  results  of  the  dis- 
coveries and  of  his  labors,  should  he  be  lost  at  sea. 

Fulton,  as  we  know,  reached  America  safely  and, 
therefore.  Barlow  was  not  called  on  to  publish  the 
*'  drawings  and  descriptions  "  that  Fulton  had  left  be- 
hind in  England.  Due  to  the  fact  that  Fulton  lived 
for  some  years  and  became  very  prominent  in  the  success- 
ful development  of  steam  navigation,  the  drawings  and 
accompanying  manuscripts  of  a  device  that  had  not  at- 
tained practical  recognition  seemed  to  have  for  the 
moment  comparatively  small  value  or  importance  and 
were  put  aside,  perhaps  after  the  death  of  Consul  Lyman. 
They  made  no  appearance  until  1870,  when  they  were 
sold  at  auction  by  a  Mr.  Andrews  of  Swarland  Hall, 
Felton,  Northumberland,  and  apparently  without  at- 
tracting any  comment.  Then  for  a  period  of  50  years, 
they  rested  quietly  and  unknown  to  the  general  public 
in  the  family  of  the  purchaser.  In  1920,  they  once  more 
changed  owners  and  passed  into  the  possession  of  the 
writer.  Now  after  a  lapse  of  116  years,  the  request  of 
Fulton  to  his  dearest  friend.  Barlow,  a  request  that  he 
realized  when  he  made  it  might  be  his  last,  will  be  com- 
plied with,  and  the  interesting  story  of  his  work  through 
several  years  be  made  of  record. 

Could  Fulton  have  foreseen  the  development  that  his 
conception  of  submarine  navigation  would  attain,  it  is 
well  within  the  limit  of  probability  that  he  would  have 
preferred  that  publication  of  his  plans  be  withheld  until 


FROM   ART   TO   ENGINEERING  5 

the  basic  principle  had  reached  its  present  status  of 
complete  application.  Though  he  lived  more  than  eight 
years  after  writing  his  letter  to  Barlow,  he  made  no 
effort  to  publish  his  plans,  nor  did  he  in  any  of  his 
subsequent  writings  refer  to  his  submarine  idea  nor 
what  he  had  done  in  England.  Apparently  his  sole 
thought  of  publishing  was  in  the  event  of  his  being  lost 
at  sea  on  his  return.  If  he  could  not  carry  his  concep- 
tion of  submarine  attack  into  actual  execution,  he  appar- 
ently preferred  that  his  plans  be  allowed  to  rest  quietly 
in  some  English  private  library  until  the  idea  that  he 
had  espoused  had  taken  actual  practical  form,  and  the 
principles  that  he  advocated  had  been  proved  true.  Ab- 
sorbed at  first  on  his  return  to  America  in  the  construc- 
tion of  his  steamboat,  perhaps  he  realized  in  the  interval 
between  1806  and  his  death  in  1815,  that  the  world  was 
not  yet  ready  to  receive  the  innovation  of  sub-surface 
navigation,  that  the  state  of  the  art  of  engine  construc- 
tion had  not  yet  been  advanced  sufficiently  to  render 
the  theory  feasible  and,  consequently,  that  publication 
might  have  detracted  from  his  fame  as  an  engineer  by 
apparently  showing  that  he  was  a  dreamer.  Sometimes 
it  is  a  misfortune  to  be  ahead  of  the  times.  Better  to 
wait  until  proved  facts  entitle  one  to  be  accorded  praise 
as  a  man  of  vision,  rather  than  through  premature 
publication  to  be  classed  as  a  visionary  man. 

Robert  Fulton  was  born  on  the  14th  November,  1765, 
on  his  father's  farm  on  Conowingo  Creek  in  Little 
Britain  Township,  Pennsylvania.  His  father,  Robert 
Fulton,  Sr.,  was  of  Scottish  descent.  To  his  mother,  Mary 
Smith,  a  woman  of  force  and  intelligence,  young 
Robert  owed  his  early  education,  and  from  her  he 
derived  the  personal  qualities  that  were  to  make  him 
distinguished.  His  father  was  not  successful  as  a 
farmer,  so  that  when  he  died  in  1768  he  left  his  widow 
and  five  children  in  very  straightened  circumstances. 


6      ROBERT  FULTON  AND  THE  SUBMARINE 

Of  the  five  children,  three  were  girls,  and  of  the  boys, 
Robert  was  the  elder. 

This  story  is  not  concerned  with  the  history  of  the 
Fulton  family  which  has  been  thoroughly  set  forth  by 
others,  except  to  recall  those  salient  steps  in  Robert's 
career  that  led  to  his  investigation  of  the  possibilities 
of  submarine  navigation,  and  the  designing  of  a  boat  to 
accomplish  the  end  so  far  as  the  then  state  of  the  art  of 
boat  and  engine  construction  would  permit. 

At  school  he  did  not  excel  in  his  studies  which  he 
neglected  for  sketching  and  mechanical  experiments. 
When  he  was  seventeen  years  of  age,  he  set  out  to  make 
his  own  career.  As  the  village  of  Lancaster,  where  he 
was  living  with  his  mother,  offered  narrowly  limited 
opportunities,  he  went  to  Philadelphia,  then  in  many 
respects  the  most  important  city  in  the  colonies.  Not 
much  is  known  of  his  early  struggles,  though  apparently 
he  devoted  part  of  his  time  to  art,  because  the  City 
Directory  in  1786,  puts  him  down  as  a  miniature  painter, 
and  some  of  his  miniatures  are  in  existence.  Under  the 
patronage  of  Benjamin  Franklin,  he  made  progress  and 
earned  enough  money  to  purchase  a  farm  for  his  mother. 

But  the  spirit  that  was  within  him  —  the  spirit  that 
was  to  record  his  name  indelibly  in  history  —  led  him 
to  think  of  the  greater  world  that  lay  beyond  the 
colonies,  even  though  the  colonies  were  at  last  success- 
ful in  their  struggle  for  independence  and  were  then 
engaged  in  the  equally  difficult  and  more  prolonged 
struggle  to  weld  themselves  into  a  nation.  In  1786,  he 
sailed  for  England  provided  only  with  a  letter  from  his 
protector,  Franklin,  to  Benjamin  West.  At  that  time 
West  was  approaching  the  height  of  his  career  as  painter 
in  London,  being  chosen  president  of  the  Royal  Academy 
in  1792.  Under  the  guidance  of  and  probable  instruction 
by  West,  Fulton  made  progress  as  an  artist,  the  Royal 
Academy  accepting  some  of  his  pictures. 


FROM   ART   TO   ENGINEERING  7 

The  path  of  a  yoimg  artist  is  rarely  a  smooth  one.  It 
is  no  smoother  when  the  young  artist  is  working  in  a 
foreign  land  without  fame,  friends  or  private  means. 
What  Fulton  did  and  how  he  lived  in  London  during 
the  first  four  years  of  his  stay  in  England,  is  best  told 
by  himself  in  his  own  words,  in  a  letter  to  his  mother 
under  date  of  January  20,  1792,  a  letter  given  at  full 
length  by  Dickenson. 

....  And  I  must  now  Give  Some  little  history  of  my 
life  since  I  Came  to  London.  I  Brought  not  more  than  40 
Guineas  to  England  and  was  set  down  in  a  strange  Country 
without  a  friend  and  only  one  letter  of  Introduction  to  Mr. 
West  —  here  I  had  an  art  to  learn  by  which  I  was  to  earn  my 
bread  but  little  to  support  whilst  I  was  doing  it  And  numbers 
of  Eminent  Men  of  the  same  profession  which  I  must  Excel! 
before  I  Could  hope  to  live — ,  Many  Many  a  Silant  solitary 
hour  have  I  spent  in  the  most  unnerved  Studdy  Anxiously 
pondering  how  to  make  funds  to  support  me  till  the  fruits  of 
my  labours  should  sifficant  to  repay  them.  Thus  I  went  on 
for  near  four  years  —  happily  beloved  by  all  who  knew  me  or  1 

I  had  long  ear  now  been  Crushed  by  Poverties  Cold  wind  — 
and  Freezing  Rain  —  till  last  Summer  I  was  Invited  by  Lord 
Courtney  down  to  his  Country  seat  to  paint  a  picture  of  him 
which  gave  his  Lordship  so  much  pleasure  that  he  has  intro- 
duced me  to  all  his  Friends  —  And  it  is  but  just  now  that  I 
am  beginning  to  get  a  little  money  and  pay  some  debtt  which 
I  was  obliged  to  Contract  so  I  hope  in  about  6  months  to  be 
clear  with  the  world  or  in  other  words  out  of  debt  and  then 
start  fair  to  Make  all  I  Can. 

In  1793,  when  he  was  on  the  very  threshold  of  a 
successful  career  as  an  artist,  he  suddenly,  and  without 
any  explanation  that  is  known,  gave  up  the  art  of  paint- 
ing and  turned  to  the  science  of  engineering  as  his  life's 
vocation.  It  is  an  interesting  fact  that  two  great 
American  engineers  —  Fulton  who  made  steam  naviga- 
tion practical,  and  Morse  who  did  the  same  for  the  elec- 
tric telegraph  —  were  both  artists  before  they  became 


8      ROBERT  FULTON  AND  THE  SUBMARINE 

engineers.  The  only  hint  as  to  the  cause  of  his  change 
of  occupation  is  given  by  himself  in  the  introduction  to 
his  first  and  greatest  literary  production,  "  A  Treatise 
on  the  Improvement  of  Canal  Navigation,"  which  ap- 
peared in  1796.  In  this  introduction  he  said:  "  On 
perusing  a  paper  descriptive  of  a  canal  projected  by 
the  Earl  of  Stanhope  in  1793,  where  many  difficulties 
seem  to  arise,  my  thoughts  were  first  awakened  to  this 
subject." 

But  Fulton  in  1796  was  something  more  than  an 
author  and  investigator  of  canals.  He  was  at  that  date 
actually  in  the  field  as  a  practicing  engineer  as  is  shown 
by  a  printed  report,  dated  London,  November  24th,  1796, 
addressed  to  ''  Sir  Francis  BuUer,  Bart,  and  the  Gentle- 
men interested  in  the  Helston  Canal."  This  report  is 
of  particular  interest  in  that  it  is  not  recorded  in  any 
Fulton  bibliography  and  no  copy  is  to  be  found  in  the 
British  Museum,  or  in  the  Congressional  or  other 
American  public  libraries.  Perhaps  the  copy  lying 
before  the  writer  is  the  sole  survivor.  The  edition  was 
undoubtedly  very  small  and  the  few  copies,  as  soon  as 
immediate  interest  was  lost,  were  likely  to  be  thrown 
aside  as  of  no  value.  The  title  page  is  reproduced  in 
facsimile  on  the  opposite  page. 

Now  as  an  addition  to  the  Fulton  bibliography,  this, 
his  second  book  and  first  published  account  of  his  own 
engineering  work,  is  of  importance  and  merits  a  brief 
description. 

The  pamphlet  consists  of  fifteen  pages,  those  of  the 
copy  referred  to  measuring  4J  by  7|  inches,  with  an 
engraved  map  10|  by  7J  inches,  showing  the  route  of 
the  proposed  canal  from  the  headwaters  of  St.  Ives 
Bay  to  the  navigable  waters  of  the  Helford  River  in 
Cornwall. 

The  report  possesses  no  scientific  or  constructive 
value.     It  presents  neither  plans  nor   details,   except 


REPORT 


ON    THE 


PROPOSED  CANAL 


BETWEEN       THE 


RIVERS       .  '  '.'•  •    ••• '.  .••*=.'  •''.'  • '"' 


HETL  JND  HELFORD. 


BY 

ROBERT     FULTON, 

ENGINEER. 


FROM   ART   TO   ENGINEERING  9 

estimates  of  cost  and  earnings,  obviously  imperfect. 
Had  Sir  Francis  and  his  friends  followed  the  advice  of 
their  professional  advisor,  it  is  probable  that  they  would 
have  suffered  financial  disappointment.  The  report, 
however,  is  full  of  a  young  man's  optimistic  hopes,  a 
si^irit  of  altruism  and  a  plea  for  economy.  These  are 
sentiments  that  always  actuated  Fulton  and  frequently 
find  expression  in  his  other  writings.  It  is  not  impos- 
sible, in  fact  it  is  quite  probable,  that  a  desire  to  be  of 
tangible  service  to  others  was  one  of  the  compelling 
reasons  that  led  him  to  devote  himself  to  construction 
rather  than  to  art.  The  underlying  thought  on  which 
this  report  is  based  is  shown  by  the  following  extracts 
in  which  Fulton  after  pointing  out  how  in  his  profes- 
sional opinion  he  believes  that  the  operations  of  this 
enterprise  will  be  lucrative,  gives  his  own  views  of  such 
undertakings  as  follows: 

But  I  hope  the  gentlemen  of  Cornwall  will  view  them  in  a 
better  light;  and,  considering  them  as  of  national  utility,  con- 
template the  infinite  advantages  they  give  to  the  numerous 
operations  of  society.   .    .    . 

In  such  investigation,  if  by  a  facility  in  carriage  I  find  the 
expence  of  manure  reduced,  I  then  see  that  the  farmer  may 
improve  more  land,  give  a  greater  polish  to  his  estates,  and 
nourish  agriculture  to  the  benefit  of  the  mass  of  society  and 
the  emolument  of  his  landlord.  .    .    . 

In  towns,  if  the  grocers,  carpenters,  ironmongers,  or  other 
tradesmen,  have  the  carriage  of  their  commodities  reduced,  they 
or  their  customers  are  benefitted;  and  so  on  in  all  professions 
where  much  carriage  is  required.  If  the  housekeeper  or  cot- 
tager have  their  coals  reduced,  the  comfort  becomes  more  ex- 
tended. In  fact  there  is  no  point  in  which  a  canal  can  be 
viewed  but  it  exhibits  advantages  to  the  mass  of  the  people; 
and  for  an  evident  reason,  because  all  improvements  which 
reduce  manual  labour,  or  which  give  a  greater  produce  with 
the  same  quantity  of  labour,  will  render  the  conveniences  of 
life  more  abundant,  cheap  and  diffused.  .   .   . 


10     ROBERT  FULTON  AND  THE  SUBMARINE 

By  1786,  Fulton  had  definitely  devoted  himself  to 
canal  engineering,  or,  as  he  says  himself  in  the  Re- 
port of  the  Board  of  Commissioners  of  the  Western 
Canal,  published  at  Albany  and  dated  February  22, 1814 : 

I  passed  three  years  at  various  canals  in  England  to  obtain 
practical  knowledge  on  the  manner  of  constructing  them  and 
to  make  myself  familiar  with  their  advantages. 

With  Fulton's  work  on  canals,  his  designs  for  inclined 
planes  to  take  the  place  of  locks,  his  financial  difficulties 
and  his  acquaintance  with  the  Earl  of  Stanhope,  the 
present  story  has  no  concern,  except  as  such  work  is 
the  intermediate  step  in  Fulton's  career  between  art  and 
mechanical  navigation. 

That  Fulton  was  sorely  pressed  as  to  money  in  these 
days,  the  following  extract  from  a  long  letter  addressed 
to  Lord  Stanhope,  and  given  in  full  in  Dickenson's 
*'  Robert  Fulton,"  clearly  proves: 

Works  of  this  kind  Require  much  time,  Patience  and  appli- 
cation. And  till  they  are  Brought  About,  Penury  frequently 
Presses  hard  on  the  Projector;  And  this  My  Lord  is  so  much 
my  Case  at  this  Moment,  That  I  am  now  Sitting  Reduced  to 
half  a  Crown,  Without  knowing  Where  to  obtain  a  shilling  for 
some  months.  This  my  Lord  is  an  awkward  sensation  to  a 
feeling  Mind,  which  would  devote  every  minuet  to  Increase 
the  Comforts  of  Mankind.  And  Who  on  Looking  Round  Sees 
thousands  nursed  in  the  Lap  of  fortune,  grown  to  maturity, 
And  now  Spending  their  time  In  the  endless  Maze  of  Idle 
dissipation.  Thus  Circumstanced  My  Lord,  would  it  be  an 
Intrusion  on  your  goodness  and  Philanthropy  to  Request  the 
Loan  of  20  guineas  Which  I  will  Return  as  Soon  as  possible. 
And  the  favour  shall  ever  be  greetfully  Acknowledged  By  your 
lordship's 

Most  obliged 

Robert  Fulton 

In  1797,  Fulton  conceived  the  idea  of  making  a  short 
trip  to  France  and  then  returning  to  America.     From 


FROM   ART   TO   ENGINEERING  H 

various  letters  he  appears  to  have  had  expectations,  or 
perhaps  they  were  only  hopes,  that  he  could  find  oppor- 
tunity to  apply  his  canal  ideas  in  his  own  country. 
Accordingly,  the  summer  of  1797  finds  him  in  France 
en  route  for  America.  But  instead  of  tarrying  for  a 
few  weeks  as  he  had  in  mind,  he  remained  seven  fruit- 
ful and  critical  years. 

In  France  he  began  at  once  to  devote  himself,  as  he 
had  been  doing  in  England,  to  the  development  of  small 
canals,  republishing  in  French  his  "  Treatise  on 
Canals  "  under  the  title,  "  Recherches  sur  les  Moyens 
de  Perfectionner  les  Canaux  de  Navigation,  etc."  It 
bore  date  an  7,  the  French  revolutionary  equivalent  to 
1799,  and  contained  not  only  all  the  matter  of  the 
English  edition  of  1796,  but  also  new  material  of  par- 
ticular application  to  France.  In  1798,  he  was  granted 
a  French  patent  for  certain  details  of  canal  construc- 
tion, and  in  the  same  year  attempted  to  secure  the  in- 
terest of  Napoleon  in  the  utilization  of  his  ideas.  The 
letter  in  which  he  makes  the  attempt  was  written  in 
French,  and  a  copy  made  by  Fulton  is  now  preserved 
in  the  New  York  Public  Library.^ 

To  General  Bounaparte 
Citizen  General 

Citizen  Perier  having  advised  me  that  you  desire  to  know 
of  my  work  on  the  System  of  Small  Canals,  I  take  the  liberty 
of  presenting  you  a  copy  of  that  book,  only  too  happy  if  you 
will  find  therein  some  means  of  improving  the  industry  of  the 
French  Republic. 

1  Au  General  Bounaparte, 
Citoyen  General 

Le  Cn  Perier  m'ayant  appris  que  vous  desiriez  connaitre  mon  Travail  sur  le 
Systeme  des  Petits  Canaux,  je  prends  la  liberie  de  vous  presenter  une  copie 
de  cet  ouvrage,  trop  heureux  si  vous  y  trouvez  quelques  Moyens  d'ameliorer 
I'industrie  de  la  Republique  Fran^aise 

Parmi  toutes  les  Causes  des  Guerres  chaque  jour,  il  est  vrai,  voit  disparaitre 


12  ROBERT   FULTON   AND   THE   SUBMARINE 

Of  all  the  causes  of  War,  every  day,  it  is  true,  sees  those 
disappear  which  appertain  to  the  existence  of  kings,  priests 
and  all  that  accompany  them.  But,  nevertheless,  republics 
will  not  be  free  of  these  lamentable  properties  so  long  as  they 
do  not  free  themselves  from  the  erroneous  systems  of  exclusive 
commerce  and  distant  possessions.  It  is  therefore  a  reason  for 
every  man  who  loves  his  fellows  to  endeavor  to  destroy  these 
errors.  Even  ambition  cannot  seek  a  greater  glory  than  in 
pointing  out  to  men  the  path  of  truth  and  removing  obstacles 
that  impede  nations  from  arriving  at  a  durable  peace.  What 
glory  can  stand  against  time  if  it  does  not  receive  the  approval 
of  philosophy?  In  order  to  free  nations.  Citizen  Bounaparte, 
you  have  executed  vast  enterprises  and  the  glory  with  which 
you  are  covered  should  be  as  permanent  as  time  itself.  Who 
then  can  support  with  more  eflBcacious  approbation,  projects 
which  contribute  to  the  general  welfare?  It  is  with  this  idea 
that  I  submit  to  you  my  work,  hoping  that  if  you  find  therein 

celles  qui  tiennent  a  I'existence  des  Rois,  des  pretres,  et  de  ce  qui  les  ac- 
compagne.  Mais  neanmoins  les  Republiques  elles-memes  ne  seront  pas  a 
I'abri  de  ces  funestes  querrelles,  tant  qu'elles  ne  se  deferont  pas  de  ces  Systemes 
erronea  de  Commerce  exclusif  et  de  Possessions  lointaines.  C'est  done  un 
motif  pour  tout  homme  qui  aime  ses  semblables  de  chercher  a  detruire  ces 
erreurs;  I'Ambition  meme  ne  doit  plus  Chercher  la  gloire  qu'en  montrant  aux 
hommes  le  chemin  de  la  verite,  et  en  ecartant  les  obstacles  qui  empechent  les 
nations  d'arriver  a  une  paix  durable;  Car,  quelle  Gloire  pent  resister  au  temps, 
—  si  elle  ne  regoit  la  Sanction  de  La  Philosophie? 

Pour  affranchir  les  Nations,  Citoyen  General,  vous  avez  execute  de  vaste 
entreprises,  et  la  gloire  dont  vous  vous  etes  convert,  doit  etre  aussi  durable 
que  le  temps;  qui  done  pourrait  seconder  d'une  approbation  plus  eflBcace  des 
projets  qui  peuvent  Contribuer  au  bien  General?  C'est  dans  cette  idee  que 
je  vous  soumets  mon  Travail,  esperant  que  si  vous  y  rencontrez  quelques  veritea 
utiles,  vous  daignerez  les  appuyer  d'une  influence  aussi  puissante  que  la  Votre; 
et  en  effet,  favoriser  des  projets  dont  I'exeeution  doit  rendre  des  millions 
d'homme  heureux,  peut-il  etre  pour  le  genie  vertueux  de  plus  delicieuse  jouis- 
sance?  C'est  sous  ce  point  de  vue  que  les  ameliorations  interieures  et  la 
Liberte  du  Commerce  Sont  de  la  plus  haute  importance. — 

Si  le  Succes  couronne  les  efforts  de  la  France,  Contre  I'Angleterre,  il  ne 
tiendra  qu'a  elle  de  terminer  Glorieusement  cette  longue  Guerre,  en  donnant 
la  liberte  au  Commerce  et  en  faisant  Adopter  le  Systeme  aux  autres  puis- 
sances; La  liberte  politique  acquerra  ainsi  le  degre  de  perfection  et  d'etendue 
dont  elle  est  susceptible,  et  la  Philosophie  verra  avee  joie  I'olivier  d'une  paix 
etemeUe  ombrager  la  Carriere  dea  Sciences  et  de  1 'Industrie. 

Salut  et  respect 
Pans  12  floreal  an  6  Robert  Fulton 


FROM   ART   TO   ENGINEERING  13 

any  useable  truths  that  you  will  deign  to  support  them  with 
an  influence  as  powerful  as  your  own,  and  in  effect  to  patronize 
projects  the  execution  of  which  should  render  millions  of  men 
happy.  Can  there  be  for  virtuous  genius  a  more  delicious 
reward?  It  is  from  this  point  of  view  that  interior  improvements 
and  freedom  of  commerce  are  of  the  highest  importance. 

Should  success  crown  the  efforts  of  France  against  England, 
there  will  remain  but  gloriously  to  terminate  this  long  war, 
to  give  freedom  to  commerce  and  make  other  powers  adopt 
the  system.  Political  liberty  will  then  acquire  that  degree  of 
perfection  and  breadth  of  which  it  is  susceptible  and  philosophy 
will  see  with  joy  the  olive  branch  of  an  eternal  peace  shade 
the  course  of  science  and  industry. 

This  letter  possesses  two  great  points  of  interest. 
One  that  it  marks  the  first  approach  of  Fulton  to 
Napoleon,  leading  as  will  be  seen  below  to  a  far  more 
important  suggestion  than  that  of  building  small  canals ; 
and  the  other  that  it  is  animated  by  an  intense  desire 
for  French  success  over  England.  That  this  was  in  the 
beginning  Fulton's  hope  is  to  be  borne  in  mind  when, 
as  will  be  shown,  having  developed  in  1804  the  opposite 
or  pro-British  sympathy,  he  lived  and  worked  during 
two  years  in  England  for  the  destruction  of  Napoleon's 
power  though  perhaps  not  of  French  ascendancy.  The 
letter  speaks  of  a  *'  lasting  peace."  That  is  something 
that  the  same  nations  a  century  and  a  quarter  later  are 
still  seeking. 

How  delightfully  charming  and  naive  is  Fulton's 
confidence  that  his  picture  of  an  altruistic  ambition 
would  excite  a  sympathetic  emotion  in  Bonaparte.  If 
Napoleon  read  the  letter  he  must  have  smiled  at  Fulton's 
enthusiastic  simplicity. 

Fulton's  leaning  to  French  views  at  this  time  is  ex- 
plained by  the  fact  that  in  politics  he  was  intensely 
republican,  in  fact,  somewhat  extreme,  a  position  that 
was  undoubtedly  encouraged  and  strengthened  by  his 


14  ROBERT   FULTON   AND   THE   SUBMARINE 

mentor,  Barlow,  who  we  have  seen  was  a  candidate  for 
the  celebrated  Convention  of  1793.  This  same  leaning 
very  likely  influenced  his  remaining  in  France,  rather 
than  undertaking  his  contemplated  return  to  his  native 
land,  because  at  this  period  his  political  ideals  seemed 
more  probable  of  realization  in  the  former  than  in  the 
latter  country. 


Chapter  II 

EARLY   ATTEMPTS   AT    SUB-SURFACE 

NAVIGATION 

Fulton's  first  eflforts  for  mechanical  navigation.        Some   early   sub- 
marines:   Bourne,  Van  Drebbel,  Mercenne,  de  Son,  Wilkins,  Bushnell. 

While  Fulton  was  taking  out  patents  for  his  little 
canals  —  patents  that  never  had  either  practical  or 
profitable  application  —  and  endeavoring  to  earn  a  live- 
lihood through  the  introduction  of  some  of  his  methods 
of  canal  construction,  there  was  germinating  in  his  mind 
the  great  principle  of  mechanical  propulsion  on  water 
that  was  eventually  to  win  for  him  both  fame  and  a 
competence. 

The  seeds  had  found  lodgment  some  years  previously. 
Dickenson  shows  that  in  1793,  or  about  the  time  when 
he  retired  from  his  art  career,  Fulton  wrote  a  letter  to 
the  Earl  of  Stanhope  stating  that  he  had  a  project  for 
moving  boats  by  steam.  This  was  a  subject  in  which 
Stanhope  took  particular  interest,  being  an  inventor 
and  a  great  student  of  applied  science,  and  especially 
as  he  at  that  same  time  was  working  on  a  design  of 
his  own  for  a  steamboat.  Lord  Stanhope  requested 
Fulton  to  present  his  plan  in  detail.  The  original  letter 
and  accompanying  sketches,  dated  November  4th,  1793, 
are  still  in  the  possession  of  the  Stanhope  family. 

The  idea  of  propelling  boats  by  steam  was  not  new. 
Jonathan  Hulls  had  published  a  pamphlet  in  1737  en- 
titled, "  A  Description  and  Draught  of  a  New  Invented 
Machine  for  Carrying  Vessels  Out  of  or  Into  Any 
Harbour,  Port  or  River,  Against  Wind  or  Tide  or  in 

15 


16     ROBERT  FULTON  AND  THE  SUBMARINE 

a  Calm."  This  pamphlet  is  of  great  rarity,  and  the 
plate  it  contains,  being  the  first  pictorial  representation 
of  a  boat  propelled  by  the  force  of  steam,  merits  repro- 
duction. But  in  Fulton's  own  country  practical  results 
had  already  been  achieved.  James  Rumsey  had  actually 
moved  a  vessel  by  steam  on  the  Potomac  in  1785—88, 
and  in  1788  and  1790  took  out  British  patents.  In 
February,  1793,  Rumsey  ran  a  steamboat  on  the  Thames. 
Equally  important  was  the  work  of  John  Fitch,  who  also 
constructed  a  boat  operated  by  a  steam  engine  and  actu- 
ally conveyed  passengers  on  a  regular  schedule  on  the 
Delaware  River  in  1790.  Fitch,  like  his  rival  inventor 
Rumsey,  went  to  Europe  further  to  develop  his 
ideas  and,  in  1791,  took  out  a  French  patent.  All  these 
experiments  were,  of  course,  known  to  Fulton  and  it  is 
not  impossible  that  they  gave  him  his  first  suggestion. 
For  the  moment  we  are  not  interested  in  the  develop- 
ment of  steam  navigation.  However  fascinating  the 
story  of  how  Fulton  gradually  developed  a  better  engine 
than  his  predecessors  and  contemporary  experimenters 
had  succeeded  in  doing,  and  one  that  was  completely 
practical,  it  is  not  to  be  repeated  here.  Our  story  is 
concerned  with  his  work  on  submarines,  but  before 
leaving  the  subject  of  steamboats,  it  is  convenient  to 
recall  that  the  fortuitous  appointment  of  Robert  R. 
Livingston  (1746-1813),  the  famous  Chancellor  of  the 
State  of  New  York,  as  American  Minister  to  France  in 
1801  brought  to  Fulton  his  ultimate  means  of  success 
through  the  partnership  that  the  two  men  established. 
Chancellor  Livingston,  like  Fulton's  other  friend,  Lord 
Stanhope,  was  interested  in  philosophical  subjects  and 
had  turned  his  attention  to  the  possibility  of  steam 
navigation  as  early  as  1798.  Therefore,  his  arrival  in 
France  in  1801,  when  Fulton  was  struggling  with  the 
mechanical  problems,  was  most  opportune  for  Fulton 
and  the  art  of  mechanical  propulsion.     Though  Fulton 


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SUB-SURFACE   NAVIGATION  17 

even  then  had  ahnost  reached  the  solution  of  the  en- 
gineering difficulties,  he  was  without  the  necessary  funds 
to  put  his  ideas  in  concrete  form.  These  funds  Living- 
ston supplied,  and,  what  to  a  man  of  Fulton's  tempera- 
ment was  almost  as  valuable,  personal  encouragement  and 
guidance.  It  is  not  too  much  to  assert  that  the  early 
realization  of  the  application  of  steam  to  navigation  was 
due  to  Livingston's  acceptance  of  the  post  of  Minister 
to  France,  thus  bringing  the  two  men  together. 

While  Fulton  was  studying  and  experimenting  with 
mechanical  propulsion  of  boats  on  the  surface  of  the 
water,  it  was  but  natural  that  he  should  take  under  con- 
sideration the  possibility  of  constructing  a  boat  that 
could  be  sunk  and  raised  at  will  and  move  under  water. 
This  basal  principle  was  far  from  being  novel.  From 
the  earliest  times  man  has  not  been  content  to  remain 
only  a  land  animal.  As  far  back  as  records  go,  he  has 
had  the  ambition  to  emulate  the  birds,  and  certainly 
during  the  Roman  period  he  began  to  think  of  sharing 
with  fishes  the  power  to  explore  the  depths  of  the  sea. 

Perhaps  William  Bourne  was  the  first  writer  on 
submarine  vessel  design.  In  his  little  quarto  volume 
published  in  1573,  and  entitled,  "  Inuentions  or  Denises 
very  necessary  for  all  Generalles  and  Captaines,  or 
Leaders  of  Men,  as  well  by  Sea  as  by  Land,"  he  de- 
scribes as  the  "  18  Deuise,"  "  a  Ship  or  a  Boate  that  may 
goe  vnder  the  water  vnto  the  bottome,  and  so  to  come 
vp  againe  at  your  pleasure."  Recognizing  that  the 
variation  in  displacement  of  a  vessel  whose  weight  re- 
mains constant  adds  to  or  detracts  from  its  buoyancy, 
he  suggested  a  vessel  with  sides  that  could  be  distended 
or  contracted  at  will  by  screws,  thus  permitting  her  to 
sink  and  rise.  These  distendable  sides,  he  thought, 
might  be  made  of  leather.  For  ventilation  when  sub- 
merged, he  would  have  a  hollow  mast,  taking  care  that 
the  depth  of  water  in  which  the  boat  should  plunge 


18  ROBERT   FULTON   AND   THE   SUBMARINE 

would  never  exceed  the  height  of  the  mast.     He  did  not 
propose  any  means  of  propulsion. 

Van  Drebbel,  a  Dutch  engineer,  born  in  Holland  in 
1572,  made  actual  application  of  Bourne's  ideas,  and 
constructed  a  submersible  boat  in  1624.  He  tested  it 
in  15  feet  of  water  in  the  Thames  at  London,  during  one 
of  which  tests  it  is  reported  that  he  had  King  James  I. 
as  a  passenger.  Apparently  he  attempted  propulsion 
by  means  of  oars  that  passed  through  the  boat's  sides, 
the  apertures  being  covered  by  leather  pockets  attached 
to  oars  and  boat.  What  plan  he  had  for  keeping  the 
boat's  air  respirable  when  submerged  is  not  clear,  though 
there  are  some  fantastic  but  not  authenticated  claims 
that  he  used  a  chemical  compound  for  refreshing  it. 
If  he  really  plunged,  which  is  by  no  means  certain,  it 
was  probably  for  only  a  few  minutes  at  a  time. 

In  1634,  the  same  year  in  which  Van  Drebbel  died  in 
London,  there  was  published  a  book  entitled,  ''  Hy- 
draidica  Pneumatica,"  containing  a  chapter  "  De 
nauibus  sub  aqua  natantibus."  This  interesting  work 
was  written  by  a  noted  French  theologian  and  philoso- 
pher, Marin  Mercenne  (1588-1648),  a  member  of  the 
order  of  Minimes  Fathers.  As  was  frequently  done  at 
that  period  in  the  case  of  technical  treatises.  Father 
Mersenne  wrote  his  book  in  Latin,  and  gave  his  name 
the  latinized  form  of  Mercennus.  He  describes  Dreb- 
bel's  boat,  but  credits  Bourne  with  having  first  proposed 
the  principles  that  Drebbel  used,  and  recalled  that 
Bourne  had  suggested  the  possibility  of  getting  fresh 
air  through  tubes  reaching  to  the  surface.  Mercenne 's 
contribution  to  the  art  was  his  stated  belief  that  the 
compass  would  be  equally  efficient  beneath  as  well  as 
on  the  surface. 

In  1653,  a  French  engineer,  de  Son,  constructed  in 
Holland  a  curious  boat,  72  feet  long,  propelled  by  a  hand- 
driven  wheel.     This  boat  was  hardly  a  submarine  as  it 


■i:  -"x  "^  T  S-?': 

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SUB-SURFACE   NAVIGATION  19 

was  not  expected  to  submerge  completely.  It  is  inter- 
esting as  the  first  application  of  a  mechanical  motive 
force  other  than  oars  and  the  first  suggestion  of  a  paddle 
wheel.  It,  therefore,  marked  a  great  step  forward  in 
matters  of  design.  A  translation  of  de  Son's  modest 
description  of  this  boat  as  shown  on  the  bottom  of  the 
design  is  as  follows: 

Accurate  Representation  of  the  New  Wonderful  Ship 
Made  at  Rotterdam. 

As  Mens.  Duson  has  been  greatly  disappointed  at  the  present- 
ment of  his  ship,  which  was  in  all  ways  greatly  misrepresented, 
both  as  regards  the  rudder,  the  paddle  wheel,  and  the  whole 
disposition  of  the  vessel  when  published  at  Amsterdam,  we 
think  it  useful  to  give  an  exact  representation  of  the  ship  (as 
above  depicted)  and  the  reader  will  at  once  see  the  difference. 
The  Inventor  will  undertake  to  destroy  with  the  ship  in  one 
day  a  fleet  of  a  hundred  vessels.  No  fire,  no  cannon  ball  or 
rocket,  no  storm  or  waves  can  hinder  him  unless  God  the  Lord 
should  intend  to  do  so.  Even  if  the  ships  which  lie  in  the 
harbors  consider  themselves  safe,  he  will  run  them  to  the 
bottom  and  turn  around  just  as  easily  as  a  bird  in  the  sky  so 
that  no  one  can  hurt  him,  and  should  his  ship  be  taken  by 
treason,  for  otherwise  it  is  quite  impossible,  it  could  not  be 
governed  by  any  one  else  but  him.  He  wiU  be  able  to  make 
in  one  hour  at  least  ten  miles,  and  should  he  run  on  a  bank 
his  vessel  will  swim  as  light  on  the  water  as  a  light  sloop 
would  do.  He  believes  he  will  be  able  to  go  with  this  vessel 
in  ten  weeks  to  and  from  the  East  Indies,  and  in  one  day  to 
and  from  France,  so  that  it  may  be  called  the  greatest  wonder 
of  the  world. 

The  next  contributor  was  an  Englishman,  John 
Wilkins,  Bishop  of  Chester.  Wilkins  was  an  exceed- 
ingly interesting  character  and  deserves  to  be  remem- 
bered not  only  for  what  he  did  to  advance  the  art  of 
submarine  design,  but  for  what  he  was  and  what  he 
accomplished  in  many  ways.  His  life  is  set  forth  in 
considerable  detail  in  the  preface  of  the  fifth  edition  of 
his    principal    scientific    production,     "  Mathematical 


20     ROBERT  FULTON  AND  THE  SUBMARINE 

Magick:  or  the  Wonders  that  may  be  performed  by 
Mechanical  Geometry,"  this  particular  edition  being 
published  posthumously  in  1707. 

From  this  sketch  it  appears  that  he  was  born  in  1614. 
It  is  stated  that  at  school  his  proficiency  was  such  that 
he  entered  New  Inn,  Oxford,  when  13  years  old.  After 
graduation,  not  at  New  Inn  but  at  Magdalen  Hall,  he 
took  orders  and  served  as  Chaplain,  first  to  Lord  Say 
and  then  to  Charles,  Count  Palatine  of  the  Rhine.  On 
the  outbreak  of  the  English  civil  war,  he  joined  the 
parliamentary  party.  In  1648,  he  received  the  degree 
of  Doctor  of  Divinity,  and  in  1656,  married  the  sister 
of  Oliver  Cromwell,  then  Lord  Protector.  Soon  after 
he  was  appointed  head  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge. 
Charles  II,  on  his  restoration  to  power,  removed  Dr. 
Wilkins  from  his  position  at  Cambridge,  though  subse- 
quently gave  him  preferment,  first,  by  making  him  Dean 
of  Ripon,  and  soon  after.  Bishop  of  Chester.  Appar- 
ently Wilkins  had  made  it  clear  to  the  royalist  party 
that  he  could  serve  quite  as  well  under  their  standard 
as  under  that  of  his  late  brother-in-law. 

In  the  short  interim  while  out  of  royal  favor  he  re- 
sided in  London,  where  he  was  elected  to  the  Royal  So- 
ciety and  a  member  of  its  Council.  It  will  thus  be  seen 
that  Wilkins  was  no  narrow-minded  person.  He  could 
adapt  himself  to  whatever  political  party  was  in  power, 
and  apparently  he  could  do  equally  well  as  an  educator, 
theologian  and  man  of  science.  At  any  rate,  of  his 
varied  abilities,  his  excellence  in  these  three  was  recog- 
nized by  his  contemporaries  who  conferred  on  him  the 
highest  honors  in  each  of  the  three  fields.  He  did  not 
however  restrict  himself  to  those  labors,  but  was  also  an 
author  of  no  small  productivity.  Among  his  writings  are : 

1.  "The  Discovery  of  a  New  World;  or,  a  Discourse  tending 
to  prove  that  ('tis  probable)  there  may  be  another  Habitable 
World  in  the  Moon."    1638. 


SUB-SURFACE   NAVIGATION  21 

2.  "  Discourse  concerning  the  Possibility  of  a  Passage  to  the 
World  in  the  Moon."     1638. 

3.  "  Discourse  concerning  a  New  Planet ;  tending  to  prove, 
that  ('tis  probable)  our  Earth  is  one  of  the  Planets."     1640. 

4.  "Mercury;  the  Secret  Messenger:  Shewing  how  a  Man 
may  with  Privacy  and  Speed  communicate  his  thouhts  to 
his  friend  at  any  Distance."     1641. 

5.  "Mathematical  Magick;  or,  The  Wonders  that  may  be 
perform'd  by  Mechanical  Geometry."     1648. 

6.  "  An  Essay  towards  a  Real  Character,  and  a  Philosophical 
Language "  including,  "  An  Alphabetical  Dictionary."     1668. 

7.  Several  works  on  theological  subjects. 

The  above  books  seem  to  have  won  popular  approval 
because  they  appear  in  several  editions.  Bishop  Wilkins 
died  in  1672  after  a  life  full  of  strenuosity,  variety  and 
action. 

It  is  with  his  scientific  publication  standing  fifth  in 
the  above  list  that  we  are  specially  interested.  This 
little  book,  which  treats  of  a  great  number  of  mechanical 
devices  and  principles  such  as  wheels,  pulleys,  screws, 
engines  of  war,  clocks  and  other  similar  machines,  con- 
tains two  chapters,  one  entitled,  ''  Concerning  the  Art 
of  Flying.  The  several  ways  whereby  this  hath  been, 
or  may  be  attempted  "  ;  and  the  other,  ''  Concerning 
the  Possibility  of  framing  an  Ark  for  Submarine  Navi- 
gation. The  Difficulties  and  Conveniences  of  such  a 
Contrivance."  The  latter  chapter  is  the  one  that  bears 
on  our  present  discussion. 

Although  Wilkins  gives  credit  to  Mercennus,  who  as 
he  puts  it,  "  doth  so  largely  and  pleasantly  descant  upon 
the  making  of  a  ship  wherein  men  may  safely  swim 
under  the  Water,"  nevertheless  he  follows  the  line  of 
thought  of  Bourne  without  giving  him  credit.  He 
closely  imitated  Bourne's  scheme  of  leather  attachments. 
He  suggested  leather  bags  open  at  both  ends,  one  end 
being  without  and  the  other  within  the  ship,  the  ends 
capable  of  being  closed  like  those  of  a  purse.     These 


22     ROBERT  FULTON  AND  THE  SUBMARINE 

bags  he  would  use  as  means  of  ingress  and  egress  for 
men  and  materials.  Motion  he  proposed  to  obtain  by 
means  of  oars  whose  blades  would  be  collapsible  on  the 
back  stroke,  the  oars  projecting  through  the  ship's  sides, 
the  holes  being  closed  with  leather  attached  to  the  oars 
and  vessel.  Wilkins  had  in  mind  the  use  of  such  a 
vessel  in  attack  against  a  "  Navy  of  Enemies,  who  by 
this  means  may  be  undermined  in  the  water  and 
blown  up." 

The  submersible  power  Wilkins  would  obtain  by  hav- 
ing his  boat  or  ''  Ark  "  ballasted  so  as  to  be  of  "  equal 
weight  with  the  like  magnitude  of  water,"  that  is,  to  be 
at  the  critical  point  between  floating  and  sinking,  obvi- 
ously one  of  greatest  danger.  He  fancied  that  he  could 
then  obtain  vertical  motion  or  plunging  by  attaching  a 
great  weight  to  the  bottom  of  the  ship,  to  be  computed, 
of  course,  as  part  of  the  ballast.  If  the  weight  were 
lowered  by  means  of  a  cord,  so  would  the  boat  ascend, 
and  if  the  weight  were  raised,  it  would  descend.  The 
method  of  supplying  air  to  the  submerged  crew  was 
equally  amusing.  He  depended  upon  the  ability  of  men 
to  live  in  a  polluted  atmosphere  by  continued  practice, 
or  if  that  were  found  impossible,  the  air  might  be  puri- 
fied by  what  he  calls  "  refrigeration,"  that  is,  by  heat- 
ing it  by  lamps  and  allowing  it  to  cool  on  coming  in 
contact  with  the  sides  of  the  vessel,  the  process  being 
assisted  by  bellows.  It  is  hoped  that  the  theology  of 
the  undoubtedly  worthy  bishop  was  sounder  than  his 
science,  and  that  it  emulated  rather  the  particularly  high 
scale  of  wisdom  of  his  political  adaptability.  But  no 
matter  how  ridiculous  his  details,  he,  nevertheless,  left 
the  main  idea  more  firmly  implanted  in  men's  minds. 

The  above  references  are  not  a  complete  resiune  of 
the  early  development  of  the  underlying  principles  of 
the  art  of  submarine  navigation.  They  are  nothing 
more  than  a  brief  recital  of  the  salient  and  outstanding 


SUB-SURFACE   NAVIGATION  23 

features  that  mark  the  path  of  progress  like  milestones 
along  a  road. 

With  these  and  other  similar  impracticable  concep- 
tions, the  art  of  submarine  construction  was  found  by 
an  American,  David  Bushnell,  born  at  Saybrook,  Con- 
necticut, in  1742,  and  graduated  from  Yale  in  1775.  In 
the  war  with  Great  Britain,  which  broke  out  shortly 
after  his  graduation,  Bushnell  conceived  the  idea  of 
attacking  the  enemy's  ships  under  water  and  there  is  no 
doubt  that  he  constructed  a  boat  embodying  among  other 
novel  devices  a  screw  propeller.  His  boat,  a  small  affair 
carrying  but  a  single  operator,  was  scarcely  a  submarine 
as  it  was  not  intended  to  plunge,  but  to  float  just 
''  awash  "  or  almost  submerged.  Like  Rumsey  and 
Fitch,  Bushnell  went  abroad  and,  as  Fulton  did  later, 
opened  negotiations  with  the  French  Government. 
Delpeuch  says,  ''  Then  (1797)  there  appeared  an  en- 
gineer who  offered  to  the  Directory  a  means  quite  as 
terrible  as  it  was  invisible  to  force  the  British  to  lift 
their  blockade,  and  not  only  did  this  man  undertake  to 
drive  the  enemy  from  our  shores,  but  he  even  proposed 
to  carry  the  war  to  the  shores  and  ports  of  Great  Britain, 
heretofore  invi  olable. ' ' 

Fulton  undoubtedly  became  acquainted  with  Bushnell 
during  the  time  they  were  both  in  France  engaged  in 
similar  pursuits.  But  the  failure  to  accomplish  results 
or  to  get  his  ideas  adopted  by  others  disappointed  Bush- 
nell so  keenly  that  he  returned  to  his  native  country, 
went  to  Georgia,  adopted  the  name  of  Bush,  and  began 
the  practice  of  medicine.  He  died  in  1826,  at  the  age 
of  84,  when  his  will  disclosed  his  identity. 


Chapter  III 
FULTON'S    FIRST    SUBMARINE 

Fulton  begins  work  on  a  submarine  (1797).        Nautilus  launched  at 

Rouen   (1800).        Havre  experiments.  Fulton  aided  by   Monge  and 

Laplace.        Received   in   audience    by  Napoleon    Bonaparte.        Hopes 
and  disappointments. 

The  previous  chapter  shows  that  not  only  was  the 
principle  of  a  submarine  boat  not  novel  when  Fulton 
began  his  work  on  it,  but  that  according  to  the  record 
a  competitor  was  actually  in  France  urging  upon  the 
French  Government  the  adoption  of  a  design  that,  un- 
like the  fantastic  conceptions  of  Bourne  and  Drebbel, 
was  capable  of  being  moved  by  an  invisible  power  and 
of  making  an  attack  beneath  the  surface.  But  if  Fulton 
lacked  initial  originality  he  achieved  practical  success 
in  his  subsequent  labors  by  greatly  improving  the  plans 
of  his  predecessors,  as  he  later  did  in  the  case  of  the 
steamboat. 

At  first  his  work  on  a  design  for  a  submarine  was 
merely  incidental  and  secondary  to  his  more  cherished 
ambition  to  become  a  great  constructor  of  canals.  It 
was  soon  after  his  arrival  in  France  that  the  idea 
of  an  underwater  boat  occurred  to  him,  and  this  sev- 
eral years  before  mechanical  operation  of  boats  ob- 
tained the  supremacy  in  his  mind  over  small  canals. 
His  first  move  was  apparently  on  the  24  Frimaire  an  VI 
(13  December,  1797)  when  he  wrote  to  the  Directory, 
"  having  in  view  the  great  importance  of  lessening  the 
power  of  the  English  fleet,  that  he  had  a  project  for  the 
construction  of  a  mechanical  Nautilus."  It  is  interest- 
ing to  note  that  this  letter  was  written  but  six  months 

24 


FULTON'S   FIRST  SUBMARINE  25 

after  his  arrival  in  France,  and  in  the  same  year  that 
Delpeiich  records  Bushnell  as  having  laid  his  own  plan 
before  the  Directory.  It  is  difficult  to  repress  the 
thought  that  the  latter 's  efforts  roused  Fulton  to  action, 
even  if  they  did  not  suggest  to  him  the  initial  thought. 

On  the  2nd  January,  1798,  Fulton  made  definite  pro- 
posals to  the  Minister  of  Marine,  among  the  terms  being 
a  request  that  rank  in  the  French  navy  be  conferred 
at  least  on  him,  if  not  on  all  the  members  of  the  crews 
of  the  submarines,  because  otherwise  he  feared  the 
British  would  treat  him  as  a  pirate.  On  February  12, 
1798,  Fulton  was  informed  that  his  proposals  had  been 
declined. 

Unlike  Bushnell,  who  under  similar  circumstances 
went  home  discouraged  and  hid  himself  under  an  assumed 
name,  Fulton  prepared  to  renew  the  attack.  Waiting 
until  another  Minister  of  Marine  had  been  appointed, 
he  submitted  new  proposals,  under  date  of  5  Thermidor 
an  VI  (23  July  1798),  concluding  the  offer  by  pointing 
out  that  the  destruction  of  the  English  navy  would  as- 
sure the  freedom  of  the  seas  and  the  nation  which  had 
the  most  natural  resources  —  France  —  would  alone 
hold,  and  without  rival,  the  balance  of  power  in  Europe. 
The  Minister  convened  a  board  of  technical  men  to  whom 
Fulton  submitted  his  plans  for  a  submarine  that  he 
called  the  "  Nautilus."  This  boat  had  the  shape  of  an 
imperfect  ellipsoid,  with  an  over-all  length  of  6m.  48 
(21  ft.  3  in.)  and  extreme  beam  1  m.  94  (6  ft.  4  in.). 
Beneath  the  ellipsoid  there  was  a  hollow  iron  keel  0  m.  52 
(1  ft.  8  in.)  in  height,  running  to  within  1  m.  from  the 
bow.  The  keel  contained  a  quantity  of  ballast  so  that 
the  difference  between  the  weight  of  the  flotation  and 
that  of  the  water  displaced  by  it  should  be  only  about 
4  to  5  kilograms.  The  only  communication  with  the  in- 
terior of  the  keel  lay  in  the  two  parts  of  a  suction  and 
force  pump  which  by  means  of  a  hand  crank  would 


26  ROBERT  FULTON  AND   THE  SUBMARINE 

permit  the  introduction  into  or  removal  of  water  from 
the  metal  keel  at  will.  The  excess  in  buoyancy  of  the 
Nautilus  being  small,  the  introduction  of  only  a  little 
water  would  make  it  sink,  and  conversely,  the  expulsion 
of  a  small  quantity  would  cause  it  to  return  to  the  sur- 
face. On  the  forward  and  top  part  of  the  Nautilus  there 
was  a  spherical  dome  pierced  with  port  holes  covered  by 
thick  glass  for  observation  and  a  man-hole  that  served 
as  means  of  ingress  and  egress  for  the  crew. 

For  propulsion,  Fulton  proposed  a  screw  as  Bushnell 
had  already  done,  a  principle  that  was  not  to  be  adopted 
in  general  practice  imtil  nearly  half  a  century  later  in 
spite  of  its  many  and  great  advantages  over  side  wheels. 
The  screw  was  placed  at  the  stern  and  directly  ahead  of 
the  rudder  and  was  operated  by  a  hand  crank  and  gear- 
ing turning  a  shaft  passing  through  a  stuffing  box. 
The  crank  was  to  be  turned  by  man  power  only.  Plung- 
ing was  to  be  secured  by  pumping  water  into  the  keel, 
while  submersion  at  a  given  depth,  provided  the  boat 
was  in  motion,  was  to  be  attempted  by  means  of  two 
inclined  planes  attached  to  the  sides  of  the  steering 
rudder.  The  angle  of  these  planes  could  be  altered  from 
within,  thus  giving  an  upward  or  downward  direction 
to  the  boat.  Motion  on  the  surface  he  thought  to  obtain 
by  a  fan-shaped  sail  which,  with  the  supporting  mast, 
could  be  folded  down  to  the  deck  and  then,  preparatory 
to  submersion,  covered  with  envelopes  like  the  wings  of 
a  fly.  Fulton  estimated  that  he  could  work  the  boat 
with  a  crew  of  three  men. 

The  offensive  feature  of  the  design  consisted  first  of 
a  vertical  spike  attached  to  the  top  of  the  observer's 
dome.  In  the  spike  was  an  eye  through  which  passed 
a  cord  leading  through  a  stuffing  box  to  a  winding  spool 
in  the  forward  end  of  the  boat.  The  second  part  was 
a  torpedo  attached  to  the  other  end  of  the  cord.  In 
action  the  Nautilus  would  be  placed  directly  beneath 


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FULTON'S   FIRST   SUBMARINE  27 

the  hull  of  an  enemy  vessel,  the  spike  being  in  contact 
with  the  bottom  planking.  As  one  end  of  the  spike  pro- 
jected into  the  observer's  dome,  a  blow  on  that  end 
would  drive  the  upper  end,  which  was  sharp  and  detach- 
able, into  the  ship's  timbers.  Then  the  Nautilus  was 
to  move  forward  leaving  the  spike  sticking  in  the  ship. 
As  she  moved  forward,  the  torpedo  would  trail  behind, 
but  as  the  cord  passed  through  the  eye  in  the  spike,  the 
torpedo  would  soon  be  brought  into  contact  with  the 
hull,  when  the  shock  would  fire  the  discharge.  In  the 
meanwhile,  enough  cord  would  have  been  paid  out  to 
permit  the  Nautilus  to  have  attained  a  safe  distance. 

The  Commission  to  whom  the  design  was  submitted 
found  in  its  favor,  except  as  to  the  sail  arrangement, 
which  they  pointed  out  had  the  larger  part  of  its  area  too 
far  aloft,  and  that  consequently  the  boat  would  lack 
stability  under  a  strong  wind.  A  translation  of  the  Com- 
mission's conclusion  is  as  follows: 

The  Minister  of  the  Marine  and  Colonies  is  therefore  requested 
to  give  to  Citizen  Fulton  the  authorization  and  necessary  means 
to  construct  the  machine  of  which  he  has  submitted  a  model. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  with  the  same  wisdom  that  has  been  put 
into  its  conception,  and  the  refinement  and  solidity  of  the  various 
mechanisms  comprising  the  whole,  that  he  who  has  supervised 
the  execution  of  this  interesting  model  will  be  able  to  construct 
the  full  sized  machine  in  a  manner  equally  ingenious  and  that  the 
new  ideas  that  he  will  have  obtained  from  study  and  experience 
will  but  lead  to  its  perfecting. 

Though  the  design  of  the  Nautilus  fell  far  short  of 
that  of  a  modern  submarine,  nevertheless,  it  was  so  far 
ahead  of  anything  previously  accomplished  or  sug- 
gested that  it  entitles  Fulton  to  be  credited  with  being 
the  first  to  propose  a  type  of  vessel  capable  of  plunging 
and  being  navigated  beneath  the  surface  of  the  water. 
That  his  plans  gave  promise  of  this  accomplishment 
was  recognized  by  the  examining  commission  in  their 


28  ROBERT   FULTON   AND   THE   SUBMARINE 

report,  a  report  that  gave  Fulton  great  encouragement 
for  further  action.  Delpeuch  in  his  book  on  submarines 
states  that  in  consequence  of  this  favorable  ofi&cial 
approval : 

Fulton  submitted  to  the  Minister  on  the  27  Vendemiaire 
an  VI  (October  17,  1798)  a  new  project  of  the  Company  which 
was  similar  to  those  previously  proposed  except  in  the  following 
articles : 

1.  That  the  Government  should  pay  immediately  on  the 
receipt  of  news  of  the  destruction  of  an  EngUsh  ship  of  the 
line,  500,000  francs,  with  which  sum  he  engaged  to  build  a 
squadron  of  10  Nautilus  to  be  used  against  the  English  fleets. 

2.  That  the  Government  was  to  pay  him  or  his  assigns  the 
sum  of  100  francs  for  each  pound  of  calibre  of  the  guns  of 
English  ships  destroyed  or  put  out  of  action  by  the  Nautilus 
during  the  war,  that  is  to  say,  for  a  5  pounder  gun  500  francs, 
or  for  a  10  pounder,  1000  francs. 

In  spite  of  the  favorable  report  by  the  investigating 
Commission  and  of  the  financial  terms  offered  by  Fulton, 
which  were  certainly  liberal  as  they  were  entirely  con- 
tingent on  success,  Fulton's  proposals  were  again 
rejected. 

He  then  went  to  Holland,  but  obtained  no  more  en- 
couragement from  the  Dutch  Government  than  from  the 
French.     Hearing  that  Bonaparte  had  been  named  First 
Consul,  he  hurriedly  returned   to   Paris.     On  the   13 
Vendemiaire,  an  XI  (October  6,  1800),  he  wrote  to  the 
Minister  of  Marine  again  proposing  the  consideration 
of  the  Nautilus.    Attached  to  this  letter  was  a  memorial 
entitled,    "  Observations    sur    les    Effets    Moreaux    du 
Nautile."     This  memorial  was  written  in  French,  and 
is  preserved  in  the  Archives  Nationales  and  is  quoted 
at  length  by  E.  L.  Pesce  in  ''  Navigation  Sous-Marine.'* 
The  plaint  as  to  delay  with  which  he  began  he  re- 
peated in  varying  form  until  finally  in  1806,  he  aban- 
doned   all    European    negotiations    and    returned    to 
America.     The  portion  of  the  memorial  that  gives  his 


FULTON'S   FIRST   SUBMARINE  29 

political  reasoning  is  at  the  present  time  the  most  in- 
teresting, especially  as  the  German  Admiralty  held 
almost  precisely  the  same  views  with  respect  to  the  effect 
that  submarines  would  have  on  the  British  Empire 
during  the  recent  war.  Fulton's  severe  restrictions  on 
the  British  navy  and  his  lauding  of  the  submarine  as 
an  instrument  for  true  "  liberty  and  peace  "  sound  much 
like  communiques  emanating  from  Berlin  during  1914- 
1918.  As  we  will  see,  Fulton  recognized  later  that  his 
description  of  the  criminal  character  of  the  British  was 
at  least  inaccurate  when  in  very  similar  language  he 
pointed  out  how  it  could  and  should  destroy  the  naval 
power  of  France. 

The  Memorial  reads  in  part  as  follows : ' 

Citizen  Minister 

It  is  now  twenty  months  since  I  presented  for  the  first  time 
the  plan  for  my  Nautilus  to  ex-Director  La  Reveillere  Lepaux. 
He  presented  it  to  the  Directory  who  ordered  that  it  be  for- 
warded to  Minister  of  Marine  Pleville,  and  finally  it  was  turned 
down  after  five  months  of  discussion. 

Taken  up  again  under  the  administration  of  Citizen  Bruix, 
it  had  the  same  fate  after  about  four  months  of  waiting.  A 
reception  so  little  favorable  on  the  part  of  the  first  magistrates 
of  France,  whose  duty  it  is  to  encourage  discoveries  tending 
to   spread  liberty  and  to   estabUsh   harmony  among  nations, 

1  Citoyen  Ministre 
II  y  a  maintenant  vingt  mois  que  je  presentai  pour  la  premiere  fois  le  plan 
de  mon  Nautile  a  I'Ex-Directeur  La  Reveillere  Lepaux;  il  le  presenta  au 
Directoire  qui  eu  ordonna  le  renvoi  au  Ministre  de  la  Marine  Pleville,  et  enfin 
il  fut  rejete  apres  cinq  mois  de  discussions.  Reproduit  sous  I'administration 
du  citoyen  Bruix,  il  eut  le  meme  sort  apres  environ  quatre  mois  d'attente,  un 
accueil  si  peu  favorable  de  la  part  des  premiers  magistrats  de  la  France,  dont  le 
devoir  est  d'encourager  les  decouvertes  tendantes  a  propager  la  Liberte  et  a 
etablir  I'harmonie  entre  les  nations,  me  prouve  qu'ils  s'etaient  fait  une  idee 
fausee  des  efTets  tant  phisiques  que  moraux  de  cette  Machine. 


Voyons  d'abord  quels  seraient  pour  la  France  les  effets  immediats  du 
Nautile.  La  perte  du  premier  Batiment  anglais  qui  serait  detruit  par  un 
moyen  extraordinaire,  jeterroit  le   Gouvemement  Britannique  dans  le   dernier 


30     ROBERT  FULTON  AND  THE  SUBMARINE 

proves  to  me  that  it  was  considered  with  a  false  idea  of  the 
physical  as  well  as  the  moral  effects  of  this  machine. 


Let  us  see  first  what  would  be  for  France  the  immediate 
effects  of  the  Nautilus.  The  loss  of  the  first  English  ship 
destroyed  by  extraordinary  means  would  throw  the  English 
Government  into  utter  embarrassment.  It  would  realize  that 
its  whole  navy  could  be  destroyed  by  the  same  means,  and  by 
the  same  means  it  would  be  possible  to  blockade  the  Thames 
and  to  cut  off  the  whole  commerce  of  London.  Under  such 
circumstances  what  would  the  consternation  be  in  England? 
How  would  Pitt  then  be  able  to  support  the  allied  powers? 
The  result  would  be  that  deprived  of  Pitt's  guineas,  the  coali- 
tion would  vanish  and  France  thus  delivered  from  its  numerous 
enemies  would  be  able  to  work  without  obstacle  for  the 
strengthening  of  its  liberty  and  for  peace. 


After  having  thus  shown  the  happy  effects  that  would  follow 
immediately  a  success  by  the  Nautilus,  I  pass  to  the  objec- 
tions, quite  as  commonplace  as  they  are  lacking  in  philosophy, 
that  have  been  raised  against  this  machine.     I  will  show  below 


embarras;  il  sentiroit  que  par  le  merae  moyen  on  pourroit  detruire  toute  sa 
marine;  que  par  le  meme  moyen  il  seroit  possible  de  bloquer  la  Tamise  et  de 
couper  tout  le  commerce  de  Londres.  Quelle  seroit,  dans  de  pareilles  cir- 
constances,  la  consternation  de  I'Angleterre?  Comment  Pitt  soudoyeroit-il  alors 
les  puissances  coalisees?  It  en  resulteroit  que,  privee  des  guinees  de  Pitt,  la 
Coalition  s'evanouiroit,  et  que  la  France,  ainsi  delivree  de  ses  nombreux  en- 
nemis,  pourrait  travailler  sans  obstacle  a  Taffermissem'  de  sa  liberte  et  a  la  paix. 


Aprea  avoir  ainsi  montre  les  heureux  effets  qui  resulteroient  immediatement 
du  succes  du  Nautile,  je  passe  aux  objections  aussi  vulgaires  que  peu  philoso- 
phiques,  elevees  contre  cette  machine.  Je  ferai  voir  ensuite  comment  le  Nautile 
pent  contribuer  a  propager  la  veritable  Liberte  et  a  etablir  I'harmonie  entre 
les  peuples. 

La  premiere  objection  est  que  si  la  France  se  servoit  du  Nautile  contre 
I'Angleterre,  I'Angleterre  pourroit  egalement  eu  faire  usage  contre  la  France; 
mais  il  ne  me  paroit  nullement  vraisemblable  que  les  Anglais  s'en  servent  contre 


FULTON'S   FIRST   SUBMARINE  31 

how  the  Nautilus  can  further  real  liberty  and  establish  harmony 
among  peoples. 

The  first  objection  is  that  if  France  should  make  use  of  the 
Nautilus  against  England,  England  would  be  equally  able  to 
make  use  of  it  against  France.  But  it  does  not  seem  to  me 
any  way  likely  that  the  English  would  make  use  of  it  against 
France  because  before  they  could  become  acquainted  with  the 
mechanism,  France  would  be  able  to  blockade  the  Thames  and 
cut  off  commerce  from  London  and  thus  reduce  the  cabinet  of 
St.  James  to  terms  of  the  most  complete  submission. 


la  France,  car  avant  qu'ils  en  connussent  la  mecanique,  la  France  pourroit, 
comme  je  I'ai  dit,  bloquer  la  Tamise,  couper  le  commerce  de  Londres  et  reduire 
par  la  le  cabinet  de  St.  James  aux  termes  de  la  plus  entiere  soumission ; 


C'est  la  force  navale  de  I'Angleterre  qui  est  la  source  des  horreurs  incalcu- 
lables  qui  se  commettent  joumellement;  c'est  la  marine  anglaise  qui  soutient  le 
gouvemement  anglais,  et  c'est  ce  gouvemement  qui,  par  ces  intrigues,  a  ete  la 
cause  des  deux  tiers  des  crimes  qui  ont  signale  le  cours  de  la  revolution. 


Si  par  le  moyen  du  Nautile  on  reussissoit  a  detruire  la  marine  anglaise,  on 
pourroit,  avec  une  flotte  de  Nautiles,  bloquer  la  Tamise,  jusqu'a  ce  que 
I'Angleterre  fut  republicanisee ;  bientot  I'Irelande  secoueroit  le  joug  et  la 
monarchic  anglaise  seroit  aneantie.  Une  nation  riche  et  industrieuse  viendroit 
ainsi  augumenter  le  nombre  des  republiques  de  I'Europe,  et  ce  seroit  avoir  fait 
un  pas  immense  vers  la  liberte  et  la  paix  universelle. 

Si  I'Angleterre  adoptait  le  gouvemement  republicain,  je  ne  doute  pas  que  la 
France  et  elle  n'ensevelissent  dans  I'oubli  ces  vieilles  haines  et  cette  fatale 
rivalite  fomentees  par  la  stupide  aristocratie.  Les  deux  Republiques  se  traite- 
roient  en  soeurs,  donneroient  a  leur  commerce  respectif  une  entiere  liberte  et, 
dans  ce  cas,  n'auroient  besoin,  ni  I'une  ni  I'autre  de  marine  militaire;  ainsi 
I'amitie,  malgre  le  prejuge  vulgaire,  uniroit  deux  grands  peuples,  et  I'humanite 
respireroit. 

De  legeres  circonstances  produisent  souvent  de  grands  changemens  dans  les 
operations  des  hommes.  La  Boussole  a  donne  au  commerce  une  extension  sans 
bomes  et  a  multiplie  les  lumieres;  I'invention  de  la  poudre  a  change  tout  I'art 
de  la  guerre,  sans  en  dimineur  les  horreurs.  J'espere  que  le  Nautile  non  seule- 
ment  detruira  les  marines  militaires,  mais  en  brisant  ces  instrumens  destructeurs 
dans  les  mains  de  I'aristocratie,  servira  la  cause  de  la  liberte  et  de  la  paix. 
Je  vous  ai  presente  ici,  d'une  maniere  claire  et  impartiale  une  partie  de  sea 
heureux  effets,  et  je  suis  loin  de  me  faire  aucun  merite  de  I'avoir  imagine  le 
premier.  L'idee  pouvoit  en  venir  a  tout  autre  ingenieur  qui  cherche  avec 
autant  d'ardeur  que  moi  a  faire  triompher  la  cause  de  I'humanite. 


32  ROBERT   FULTON   AND   THE   SUBMARINE 

It  is  the  naval  force  of  England  that  is  the  source  of  all  the 
incalculable  horrors  that  are  committed  daily.  It  is  the 
English  navy  which  supports  the  English  Government,  and  it 
is  that  Government  which  by  its  intrigues  has  been  the  cause 
of  two-thirds  of  the  crimes  that  have  marked  the  course  of 
the  revolution. 


If  by  means  of  the  Nautilus  one  could  succeed  in  destroying 
the  English  navy,  it  would  be  possible  with  a  fleet  of  Nautilus 
to  blockade  the  Thames  to  the  end  that  England  would  become 
a  republic.  Soon  Ireland  would  throw  off  the  yoke  and  the 
English  monarchy  would  be  wiped  out.  A  rich  and  industrious 
nation  would  then  increase  the  number  of  republics  of  Europe 
and  this  would  be  a  long  step  toward  liberty  and  universal 
peace. 

If  England  should  adopt  a  republican  government,  I  do  not 
doubt  that  France  and  she  would  bury  in  oblivion  the  old  hates 
and  that  fatal  rivalry  fomented  by  the  stupid  aristocracy,  and 
the  two  republics  would  treat  each  other  as  sisters  and  would 
give  to  their  respective  commerce  complete  freedom,  and  in 
this  case  neither  one  nor  the  other  would  have  need  of  a  mili- 
tary marine.  Then  friendship  in  spite  of  common  opinion 
would  unite  these  two  great  peoples  and  humanity  would 
breathe  freely. 

Small  circumstances  often  produce  changes  in  the  affairs  of 
men.  The  mariners'  compass  has  given  to  commerce  an  ex- 
tension without  limits  and  has  multiplied  its  knowledge.  The 
invention  of  gunpowder  has  changed  the  whole  art  of  war 
without  diminishing  its  horrors.  I  hope  that  the  Nautilus  will 
not  only  destroy  military  marines,  but  in  breaking  these  de- 
structive instruments  in  the  hands  of  the  aristocracy  will  serve 
the  cause  of  liberty  and  peace. 

I  have  laid  before  you  in  a  clear  and  impartial  manner  a 
part  of  its  happy  effects  and  I  am  far  from  assuming  any  merit 
of  having  imagined  the  first  thought.  The  idea  could  have 
come  to  any  other  engineer  seeking  with  the  same  ardor  that 
I  have  to  make  the  cause  of  humanity  triumph. 

At  last  success  seemed  to  be  in  sight.  Official  lethargy 
and  resistance  were  overcome  and  permission  was  given 


FULTON'S   FIRST   SUBMARINE  33 

Fulton  to  build  a  Nautilus  at  Rouen,  which  he  at  once 
commenced  doing  in  the  boat  yard  of  the  firm  of  Perrier. 
From  his  model  he  made  one  important  change,  the 
addition  of  a  deck  about  6  feet  wide  and  20  feet  long, 
enabling  the  crew  to  come  out  of  the  hull  when  not 
submerged. 

On  July  24,  1800,  the  Nautilus  was  launched,  and  on 
July  29,  she  made  her  first  plunge  in  25  feet  of  water. 
The  first  submersion  lasted  5  minutes,  and  the  second, 
17  minutes,  the  personnel  consisting  of  Fulton  and  two 
comxjanions.  The  swift  river  current  interfered  with 
the  manipulation  of  the  boat  to  such  an  extent  that 
Fulton  decided  to  make  further  tests  in  still,  open  water 
at  Havre. 

Under  date  of  19th  November,  1800,  he  wrote  a  long 
letter  to  Messrs.  Monge  and  Laplace  giving  an  account 
of  results  obtained.  These  gentlemen  appear  to  have 
been  his  loyal  and  enthusiastic  friends  through  all  his 
efforts.  When  others  failed,  or  his  propositions  were 
refused  by  the  authorities,  they  continued  to  support 
him,  and  were  always  ready  to  imdertake  to  obtain  a 
new  hearing. 

Gaspard  Monge,  born  1746,  died  1818,  was  a  well- 
known  mathematician,  particularly  celebrated  in  the 
field  of  descriptive  geometry.  He  was  an  ardent  revo- 
lutionist, serving  as  Minister  of  Marine  during  1792-3. 
When  Bonaparte  came  into  power,  Monge  espoused  his 
cause  and  accompanied  him  to  Italy. 

Pierre  Simon  Laplace,  afterward  Marquis  de  Laplace, 
was  even  more  illustrious,  being  a  mathematician  and 
astronomer  of  the  highest  distinction.  His  ''  Mecanique 
Celeste  "  whose  exposition  of  the  nebular  hypothesis 
gives  it  permanent  rank  among  the  masterpieces  of 
scientific  reasoning,  secured  for  its  author  the  proud 
position  of  President  of  the  French  Academy.  Like 
Monge  he  was  a  republican,  and  allied  himself  to  Bona- 


34     ROBERT  FULTON  AND  THE  SUBMARINE 

parte  immediately  on  the  latter  becoming  First  Consul, 
although  in  1814,  he  voted  for  Napoleon's  dethrone- 
ment. At  the  time  Fulton  could  have  found  no  better 
supporters  than  these  two  men  of  science,  especially  as 
both  enjoyed  the  personal  friendship  of  Bonaparte. 

From  the  above  mentioned  letter  it  appears  that  while 
at  Havre  he  carried  the  same  crew  as  at  Rouen,  he  now 
had  a  lighted  candle.  On  his  early  experiment  he  plunged 
in  darkness  fearful  that  a  light  might  seriously  vitiate 
the  air.  He  now  remained  submerged  in  one  test 
six  hours  without  inconvenience,  during  which  time  he 
obtained  some  air  through  a  tube  with  the  open  end 
supported  by  a  surface  float  that  could  not  be  seen 
at  a  distance  of  200  fathoms.  While  trying  relative 
speeds  produced  by  two  men  rowing  as  against  two  men 
working  the  screw,  the  former  made  the  boat  cover  60 
fathoms  in  7  minutes,  while  the  latter  propelled  it  the 
same  distance  in  4  minutes.  He  reported  that  the 
Archimedes  screw  and  the  horizontal  rudder  for  depth 
control  did  not  satisfy  him  in  point  of  efficiency.  The 
Bushnell  screw  was  literally  a  full  screw  with  several 
turns  as  proposed  by  Archimedes  twenty  centuries 
earlier  to  raise  water.  When  Fulton  found  that  a  full 
screw  was  not  efficient,  he  proposed  to  replace  it  with 
separate  blades  set  at  an  angle  similar  to  the  sails  of 
a  windmill.  To  this  arrangement  he  gave  the  name  of 
*'  Flier."  The  error  of  trying  to  use  a  full  screw  in 
propeller  design  persisted  for  more  than  forty  years  after 
Fulton  had  appreciated  the  lack  of  efficiency.  Other 
engineers  for  nearly  two  generations  ignored  Fulton's 
experience  and  decision. 

He  then  returned  to  Paris  and  elated  by  the  success 
of  his  experiments,  which  certainly  justified  elation,  he 
again  drew  up  new  proposals  in  which  he  offered  to 
accept  whatever  remuneration  the  government  would 
give,  so  great  was  his  confidence.     These  proposals  his 


FULTON'S   FIRST   SUBMARINE  35 

friend  Monge  laid  before  the  First  Consul  with  whom 
Monge  was  on  terms  of  intimacy  and  whose  interest 
Fulton  had  so  long  desired  to  obtain.  The  First  Consul 
forwarded  Fulton's  letter  to  the  Minister  of  Marine  on 
27  November,  1800,  with  the  following  marginal  note: 

Je  prie  le  Ministre  de  la  Marine  de  me  faire  connaitre  ce 
qu'il  sait  sur  les  pro  jets  du  capitaine  Fulton. 

Bonaparte. 

A  few  days  later  Monge  and  Laplace  presented  Fulton 
to  Napoleon  Bonaparte,  First  Consul,  urging  the  latter 
to  make  an  allowance  of  60,000  francs  for  further 
experiments. 

What  a  dramatic  moment  when  the  two  men  of  science 
presented  the  young  American  to  the  still  younger 
Frenchman!  A  moment  heavy  with  destiny,  because 
the  fates  of  nations  were  trembling  in  the  balance,  await- 
ing the  decision.  But  no  one  of  the  four  understood  the 
importance  of  the  conference,  not  even  he  who  had  most 
at  stake.  The  central  figure  was  the  young  Corsican 
artillery  officer  whose  guns  had  swept  the  remnants  of 
the  French  Revolution  from  the  streets  of  Paris  only 
five  years  before,  then  a  man  almost  unknown,  but  now 
First  Consul  and  Dictator  of  France.  The  successes  of 
Lodi,  the  Pyramids  and  Marengo  were  still  fresh  in  his 
mind  and  were  beckoning  him  on  to  other  conquests. 
Almost  within  his  grasp  was  the  crown  of  empire,  plans 
to  seize  which  he  was  even  then  maturing.  In  his  eyes 
there  stretched  before  him  a  path  through  conquest  and 
glory,  —  but  leading  where  ?  As  he  then  saw  the  path 
in  his  imagination  it  led  to  absolute  world  domination 
with  the  great  and  little  powers  of  Europe  vassals  of 
France. 

The  beginning  of  the  path  as  he  saw  it  with  all  its 
magnificence  he  had  already  found.  It  lay  over  the 
glittering  heights  of  Austerlitz,   Jena,   Friedland  and 


36  ROBERT   FULTON  AND   THE  SUBMARINE 

Wagram.  Across  it  there  was  only  one  obstacle  to  pre- 
vent his  reaching  the  culmination  of  his  ambition,  and 
that  obstacle  was  England's  navy.  Unless  that  could 
be  removed,  he  would  be  forced  to  turn  from  the  path 
over  the  heights  and  pass  down  into  the  valley  of 
Borodino,  Leipzig  and  Waterloo  to  the  island  prison  of 
St.  Helena.  In  boundless  confidence  in  his  destiny  and 
in  his  own  power  to  control  it,  he  saw  not  the  obstacle; 
or  if  he  did,  there  was  no  doubt  in  his  mind  that  he 
himself  could  remove  it.  Already  he  was  all  powerful 
on  land,  and  he  dreamed  of  being  all  powerful  on  sea. 

It  is  not  difficult  to  picture  the  dictator,  supreme  in 
his  arrogance,  facing  the  American,  who  was  actually 
offering  him  the  only  chance  there  was  to  surmount  the 
obstacle.  Bonaparte  had  already  learned  who  he  was, 
a  foreigner  with  few  friends  and  no  money,  an  unsuc- 
cessful artist  in  England,  and  an  engineer  in  France 
without  practise,  a  dreamer  and  inventor.  Hardly  the 
type  of  man  to  appeal  to  one  who  had  already  resolved 
to  be  an  Emperor. 

With  what  means  did  this  inventor  propose  to  attack 
those  great  masses  of  oak  with  their  towering  sides,  with 
row  on  row  of  guns  and  great  spreads  of  canvas?  A 
tiny  boat  propelled  by  two  men  by  hand,  that  would 
meet  the  enemy,  not  as  Bonaparte  would  meet  him  by 
an  attack  in  force,  but  by  stealth,  unseen  and  beneath 
the  surface  of  the  sea!  As  Bonaparte  looked  at  his 
visitor  he  could  not  see  the  valley  of  Waterloo  and  St. 
Helena.  Nor  could  he  possibly  imagine  that  long  before 
that  f  atef  id  June  day  of  1815,  when  the  silence  of  the  guns 
on  the  slope  of  Mt.  St.  Jean  would  mark  the  end  of 
his  career,  the  man  who  had  been  rash  enough  to  seek 
the  audience  would  have  given  to  the  world  a  vessel 
whose  motive  power  would  defy  that  of  wind  and  that 
he  would  have  designed  a  ship  of  war  more  powerful  than 
any  ship  that  sailed  under  the  command  of  Nelson. 


FULTON'S   FIRST   SUBMARINE  37 

The  tiny  boat  that  was  offered  him  was  far  from  being 
a  perfected  machine,  but  even  as  it  was  it  presented 
sufficient  potentiality  to  strike  terror  to  England's  navy 
as  Fulton  had  prophesied  in  his  Memorial.  If  Living- 
ston with  such  limited  means  as  he  possessed  could  de- 
velop Fulton's  ideas  into  practical  reality,  how  much 
sooner  could  the  same  result  have  been  attained  through 
the  resources  of  a  great  government? 

Fulton  offered  to  Bonaparte  world  dominion. 

Bonaparte  listened  and  took  the  offer  under  con- 
sideration. 

While  waiting  Bonaparte's  answer  and  apparently 
while  Admiral  Decres,  Minister  of  Marine,  still  had  the 
matter  under  investigation  in  accordance  with  Bona- 
parte's instructions,  Fulton  wrote  the  Minister  under 
date  of  3rd  December,  1800,  saying  among  other  things :  ^ 

You  will  permit  me  to  observe  that  although  I  have  the 
highest  respect  for  you  and  the  other  members  of  the  Govern- 
ment, and  although  I  retain  the  most  ardent  desire  to  see  the 
English  Government  beaten,  nevertheless  the  cold  and  dis- 
couraging manner  with  which  all  my  exertions  have  been  treated 
during  the  past  three  years  will  compel  me  to  abandon  the 
enterprise  in  France  if  I  am  not  received  in  a  more  friendly 
and  liberal  manner. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  this  is  the  only  letter  in 
French  that  has  been  found  in  the  government  archives 
written  wholly  in  the  handwriting  of  Fulton  himself. 
The  other  letters  in  the  possession  of  the  French  Govern- 
ment that  are  written  in  French  were  written  bv  his 

ft/ 

secretary  and  signed  by  him. 

Fulton's  wise  and  diplomatic  friends.  Barlow,  Monge 

1  Vous  me  permettrez  d'observer,  que  quoique  j'ai  le  plus  haut  respect 
pour  vous  et  les  autres  membres  du  gouvemement,  et  quoique  je  conserve  le 
plus  ardent  desir  de  voir  abattre  la  marine  Anglaise,  cependant  la  maniere 
froide  et  decourageante  dans  laquelle  toutes  mes  exertions  ont  ete  traitees 
depuis  trois  ans,  me  forcent  a  abandonner  Tenterprise  en  France,  si  on  ne 
I'accueille  pas  d'une  maniere  plus   amicale   et  liberale. 


38     ROBERT  FULTON  AND  THE  SUBMARINE 

and  Laplace,  must  have  been  absent  when  the  above  tact- 
less lines  were  penned.  That  they  were  the  actual  hand- 
work of  Fulton  himself  would  seem  to  indicate  that  he 
was  actuated  by  a  momentary  burst  of  impatience,  and 
that  in  his  haste  to  give  vent  to  his  feelings,  he  did  not 
wait  for  his  secretary  to  write  the  letter  in  French. 
What  was  in  consequence  almost  inevitable,  happened. 
Admiral  Decres,  as  Minister  of  Marine,  reported  ad- 
versely on  Fulton's  plans.  Fulton's  letter,  of  course,  had 
not  served  to  overcome  the  settled  objection  of  a  sailor 
to  mechanical  innovation. 


Chapter  IV 
NEGOTIATIONS   WITH   FRANCE 

Nautilus  reconstructed  and  tested  at  Brest  (1801).  Reports  to 
Monge,  Laplace  and  Volney.  Great  expectations.  Final  rejection 
(1802).  Partnership  with  Robert  R.  Livingston.  Work  begun  on 
steamboat.  British  Admiralty  aware  of  his  submarine  accomplish- 
ment.       Induced   to   return   to   England    (May,    1804). 

The  always  faithful  Monge  and  Laplace  came  once 
more  to  the  aid  of  their  temperamental  friend.  They 
personally  intervened  with  the  First  Consul,  and  actu- 
ally succeeded  in  persuading  him  to  authorize  the  re- 
construction of  the  Nautilus  in  spite  of  the  adverse 
professional  opinion  of  the  Minister.  He  appointed  a 
new  commission  to  investigate,  naming  MM.  Monge, 
Laplace  and  Volney.  The  last,  unlike  the  first  two,  was 
not  a  scientist.  He  was  an  eminent  scholar,  a  great 
traveller  and  member  of  the  Institute.  He  had  visited 
the  United  States  five  years  previously  and  had  written 
a  book  on  its  climate  and  soil.  He  narrowly  escaped 
the  guillotine,  was  created  a  count  under  the  Empire, 
and  a  peer  of  France  after  the  restoration.  He  died 
in  1820. 

With  the  encouragement  induced  by  the  naming  of 
this  friendly  commission,  Fulton  at  once  began  his  task. 
The  Nautilus  was  transported  from  Havre  to  Brest  and 
there  refitted  with  the  alterations  and  imi3rovements 
that  occurred  to  Fulton  as  the  result  of  the  Havre  ex- 
periments. On  July  3rd,  1801,  he  made  his  first  plunge 
at  Brest  in  his  improved  boat.  This  time  he  was 
accompanied  by  three  men  instead  of  two  as  on  the 
previous  occasions. 

39 


40  ROBERT   FULTON   AND   THE   SUBMARINE 

An  account  of  what  he  did  at  Brest  is  preserved  in  a 
manuscript  copy  of  a  report  that  he  made  to  the  com- 
missioners. This  report  was  published  by  Mrs.  Sutcliffe 
in  her  book  on  the  "  Clermont,"  but  it  is  so  graphic 
that  with  Mrs.  Sutclift'e's  consent  it  is  reprinted  in  full 
exactly  as  Fulton  wrote  it : 

Paris  22*^,  fructidore  An  9 

Robert  Fulton  to  the  citizens  Monge,  La  Place  and  Volney, 
members  of  the  National  Institute,  and  Commissioners 
appointed  by  the  first  Consul  to  promote  the  invention  of 
Submarine  Navigation  — 

Citizens,  yesterday  on  my  return  from  brest  I  received  your 
note,  and  will  with  pleasure  communicate  to  you  the  result  of 
my  experiments,  during  the  summer,  also  the  mode  which  I 
conceive  the  most  effectual  for  using  my  invention  against  the 
enemy.  Before  I  left  Paris  I  informed  you  that  my  plunging 
boat  had  many  imperfections,  natural  to  the  first  machine  of 
so  difficult  a  combination,  added  to  this  I  found  she  had  been 
much  injured  by  the  rust  during  the  winter  in  consequence 
of  having  in  many  places  used  Iron  bolts  and  arbours  instead 
of  copper  or  brass,  the  reperation  of  those  defects  and  the 
difficulty  of  finding  workmen  consumed  near  two  months  And 
although  the  machine  remained  still  extremely  imperfect  yet 
she  has  answered  to  prove  every  necessary  experiment  In  the 
most  satisfactory  manner. 

On  the  3d  of  thermidor  I  commenced  my  experiments  by 
plunging  to  the  depth  of  5  then  10  then  15  and  so  on  to  25 
feet  but  not  to  a  greater  depth  than  25  feet  as  I  did  not  con- 
ceive the  Machine  Sufficiently  Strong  to  bear  the  Pressure  of 
a  Greater  column  of  water,  At  this  depth  I  remained  one  hour 
with  my  three  companions  and  two  candles  burning  without 
experiancing  the  least  inconvenience. 

Previous  to  my  leaving  Paris  I  gave  to  the  Cn.  Gueyton 
member  of  the  Institute  a  calculation  on  the  number  of  cube 
feet  In  my  boat  which  is  about  212  in  Such  a  Volume  of  Air 
he  calculated  there  would  be  sufficient  Oxszine  to  nourish  4 
Men  and  two  small  candles  3  hours.  Seeing  that  it  would  be 
of  great  Improvement  to  despence  with  the  candles  I  have  con- 
structed a  Small  window  in  the  upper  part  of  the  Boat  near 
the  bow  which  window  Is  only  one  inch  and  a  half  diameter 


NEGOTIATIONS   WITH   FRANCE  41 

and  of  Glass  9  lines  thick,  with  this  prepared  I  descended  on 
the  5th  of  thermidor  to  the  depth  of  between  24  and  25  feet 
at  which  depth  I  had  Sufifecient  light  to  count  the  minuets 
on  the  Watch,  hence  I  conclude  that  3  or  4  Such  windows 
arranged  in  different  parts  of  the  boat  would  give  suffecient 
light  for  any  operation  during  the  day  each  window  may  be 
Guarded  by  a  Valve  in  Such  a  manner  that  Should  the  glass 
break  the  Valve  would  immediately  Shut  and  Stop  out  the 
Water,  finding  that  I  had  air  and  light  Suffecient  and  that  I 
could  Plunge  and  Rise  perpendicular  with  facility.  On  the 
7th  Ther*^  I  commenced  the  experiments  on  her  movements 
At  10  in  the  Morning  I  raised  her  anchor  And  hoisted  her 
Sails  which  are  the  Mainsail  and  Gib  the  breeze  being  light 
I  could  not  at  the  Utmost  make  more  than  about  two  thirds 
of  a  league  per  hour.  I  tacked  and  retacked  tryed  her  before 
and  by  the  wind  And  in  all  these  operations  found  her  to 
Answer  the  helm  And  Act  like  a  common  dul  Sailing  boat, 
After  exersising  thus  About  An  hour  I  lowered  the  mast  and 
Sails  and  commenced  the  operation  of  Plunging  this  required 
about  two  Minuets.  I  then  placed  two  men  at  the  engine 
which  gives  the  Rectileniar  Motion,  And  one  At  the  helm, 
while  I  governed  the  machine  which  keeps  her  ballanced  be- 
tween two  waters.  With  the  bathomater  before  me  And  with 
one  hand  I  found  I  could  keep  her  at  any  depth  I  thought 
Proper  the  men  then  commenced  movement  and  continued 
about  7  Minuets  when  mounting  to  the  Serface  I  found  we 
had  gained  400  Matres.  I  again  plunged  turned  her  round 
under  water  and  returned  to  near  the  Same  place.  I  again 
plunged  And  tried  her  movements  to  the  right  and  left,  in  all 
of  which  the  helm  answered  And  the  compass  acted  the  same 
as  if  on  the  serface  of  the  Water  having  continued  these  ex- 
periments the  8,  9,  10  and  12th  untill  I  became  fameliar  with 
the  movements  And  confidence  in  their  operation,  I  turned 
my  thoughts  to  Increasing  or  preserving  the  Air,  for  this  pur- 
pose the  On.  Gueyton  advised  to  precipitate  the  carbonic  acid 
with  lime,  or  to  take  with  me  bottles  of  Oxizine  which  might 
be  uncorked  as  need  required;  but  as  any  considerable  quantity 
of  bottles  would  take  up  to  much  room.  And  as  oxizine  could 
not  be  created  at  Sea  without  a  Chymical  operation  which 
would  be  Very  Inconvenient,  I  adopted  a  mode  which  occured 
to  me  18  months  ago  which  is  a  Simple  Globe  or  bombe  of 
copper  capable  of  containing  one  cube  foot  to  (Manuscript  is 


42  ROBERT   FULTON  AND   THE  SUBMARINE 

torn  here)  A  Pneumatick  Pump  by  means  of  which  Pump  200 
Atmospheres  or  200  cube  feet  of  common  Air  may  be  forced 
Into  a  Bomb  consequently  the  Bomb  or  reservoir  will  contain 
As  much  oxegine  or  Vital  air  as  200  cube  feet  of  common 
respirable  Air,  hence  if  according  to  Cn.  Gueyton's  Calculation 
212  feet  which  is  the  Volume  of  the  boat  will  nourish  4  Men 
and  two  small  candles  3  hours  this  additional  reservoir  will  give 
Suffecient  for  6  hours  —  this  Reservoir  is  constructed  with  a 
measure  and  two  cocks  So  as  to  let  measures  of  Air  Into  the 
Boat  as  Need  may  require  — 

Previous  to  my  leaving  Paris  I  gave  orders  for  this  machine 
but  it  did  not  arrive  till  the  18  of  thermidore  on  the  19  I  or- 
dered 2  Men  to  fill  it  which  was  an  operation  of  about  one 
hour  I  then  put  It  into  the  boat  and  with  my  three  com- 
panions but  without  candles  plunged  to  the  depth  of  about 
5  feet,  At  the  expiration  of  one  hour  and  40  Minuets  I  began 
to  let  off  Measures  of  air  from  the  reservoir  and  So  on  from 
time  to  time  for  4  hours  20  Minuets  without  experiancing  any 
Inconvenience  — 
Having  thus  succeeded 

To  Sail  like  a  common  Boat 

To  obtain  Air  And  light 

To  Plunge  and  rise  Perpendicelar 

To  turn  to  the  right  and  left  at  pleasure 

To  steer  by  the  Compass  under  Water 

To  renew  the  Common  Volume  of  Air  with  facility 

And  to  Augment  the  respirable  air  by  a  reservoir,  which  may 
be  obtained  at  all  times,  I  conceived  every  experiment  of  im- 
portance, to  be  proved  in  the  most  satisfactory  manner  hence  I 
Quit  the  experiments  on  the  Boat  to  try  those  of  the  Bomb 
Submarine.  It  is  this  bomb  which  is  the  Engine  of  destruc- 
tion the  Plunging  boat  is  only  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  the 
bomb  to  where  it  may  be  used  to  Advantage.  They  are  con- 
structed of  Copper  and  of  different  sizes  to  contain  from  10 
to  200  Pounds  of  powder  each  bomb  is  arranged  with  a  Gun 
lock  In  Such  a  manner  that  if  it  Strikes  a  Vessel  or  the  Vessel 
Runs  against  it,  the  explosion  will  take  place  and  the  bottom 
of  the  Vessel  be  Blown  in  or  so  Shattered  as  to  insure  her 
destruction.  To  prove  this  Experiment  the  Prefet  Maritime, 
And  Admiral  Vellaret  ordered  a  Small  Sloop  of  About  40  feet 
long  to  be  anchored  in  the  Road,  on  the  23d  of  Thermidor 


NEGOTIATIONS  WITH   FRANCE  43 

With  a  bomb  containing  about  20  Pounds  of  powder  I  ad- 
vanced to  within  about  200  Matres  then  taking  my  direction 
So  as  to  pass  near  the  Sloop  I  Struck  her  with  the  bomb  in 
my  Passage  the  explosion  took  Place  and  the  Sloop  was  torn 
into  Atoms,  in  fact  nothing  was  left  but  the  buye  and  cable, 
And  the  concussion  was  so  Great  that  a  Column  of  Water 
Smoak  and  fibres  of  the  Sloop  was  cast  from  80  to  100  feet 
in  Air,  this  Simple  Experiment  at  once  Proved  the  effect  of 
the  Bomb  Submarine  to  the  Satisfaction  of  all  the  Spectators; 
of  this  experiment  you  will  See  Admiral  Villarets  description 
in  a  letter  to  the  Minister  of  Marine  — 

Having  Given  in  a  Short  Sketch  of  the  Sucession  of  my  Ex- 
periments, the  mode  of  using  these  inventions  Against  the 
enemy  is  now  to  be  considered,  on  this  Point  time  and  ex- 
perience will  make  numerous  improvements  As  in  all  other 
new  inventions  and  discover  modes  of  operation  which  could 
not  possibly  accur  to  me;  when  Powder  was  Invented  Its  In- 
finite applications  were  not  thought  of,  nor  did  the  Inventors 
of  the  Steam  Engine  conceive  the  numerous  purposes  to  which 
It  could  be  applied,  in  like  manner  it  is  Impossible  At  present 
to  See  the  Various  modes,  or  the  best  methods  of  Using  a 
plunging  boat  or  the  bomb  Submarine  — 
But  as  far  as  I  have  Reflected  on  this  point  I  conceive  the 
best  operation  to  be  as  follows  — 

First 

To  construct  one  or  two  Good  Plunging  Boats  each  36  feet 
long  and  12  feet  wide  Boats  of  this  capacity  would  be  Suf- 
ficient to  contain  8  Men  and  Air  for  8  hours.  With  Provisions 
for  (paper  is  torn  here)  and  transport  from  25  to  30  Bombs 
at  a  time,  their  Cylenders  Should  be  Brass  and  of  a  Strength 
to  admit  of  descending  60  or  80  feet  under  Water  in  case  of 
need  And  they  may  be  Constructed  to  Sail  from  5  to  7  Miles 
per  hour;  here  it  may  be  well  too  proove  that  Quick  SaiUng  is 
not  one  of  the  most  important  considerations  in  this  inven- 
tion, if  such  a  boat  is  Pursued,  She  plunges  under  water  and 
as  She  Can  remain  under  Water  from  4  to  8  hours  and  Make 
at  least  one  Mile  Per  hour  She  Could  rise  Several  miles  from 
the  Place  where  She  Plunged  to  renew  her  air,  thus  the  enemies 
Ports  could  be  approached,  And  particularly  under  the  cover 
of  the  Night     Nor  do  I  at  Present  See  that  any  Possible  Vigil- 


44     ROBERT  FULTON  AND  THE  SUBMARINE 

ence  could  Prevent  these  invisible  engines  entering  their  Ports 
and  Returning  at  Pleasure  — 

Second 

Let  there  also  be  Some  hundreds  of  Bombs  Submarine  Con- 
structed of  Which  there  Are  two  Sorts  one  arranged  with  Clock- 
work in  Such  a  manner  as  to  Go  off  at  any  Given  Period  from 
4  Minuets  to  4  hours,  the  Other  with  a  gun  Lock  as  before 
mentioned  So  as  to  go  off  when  it  Strikes  against  a  Vessel  or 
when  a  Vessel  runs  Against  it.  Each  of  these  carcasses  is 
arranged  So  as  to  float  from  4  to  15  feet  under  water  in  Pro- 
portion to  the  Water  which  the  Vessels  to  be  attacked  Draws, 
And  in  this  there  are  two  advantages,  the  first  is  that  the 
bomb  is  Invisible,  the  Second  is  that  when  the  explosion  takes 
place  under  water  the  Pressure  of  the  colume  of  water  to  be 
removed  forces  the  whole  action  of  the  powder  Against  the 
Vessel:  it  was  the  resistance  of  the  water  which  caused  the 
Sloop  on  which  I  proved  the  experiment  to  be  reduced  to 
Atoms;  for  Water  when  Struck  Quick  such  as  the  Stroke  of 
a  cannon  ball  or  the  expansion  of  Powder  acts  like  a  Solid, 
and  hence  the  whole  force  was  Spent  on  the  Sloop  or  rather 
passed  through  the  Sloop  in  finding  its  Passage  to  the  air  by 
the  perpendicular  and  Shortest  line  of  Resistance  —  the  Same 
effect  would  no  doubt  be  produced  on  a  Vessel  of  Any  dimen- 
sions by  applying  a  Proportionate  Quantity  of  powder  Such 
as  2,  3  or  4  hundred  Weight, 

Therefore  being  prepared  with  plunging  boats  and  Bombs 
submarine  let  the  business  of  the  boats  be  to  go  with  cargoes 
of  bombs  and  let  them  loos  withe  the  current  into  the  harbours 
of  Portsmouth,  Plymouth,  Torbey  or  elsewhere,  those  with  their 
graplings  floating  under  water  could  not  be  perceived  Some 
would  hook  in  the  cables,  bow  or  Stern,  or  touch  in  their 
Passage;  many  no  doubt  would  miss  but  Some  would  hit  go 
off  and  destroy  the  Vessels  they  touched,  one  or  more  Vessels 
Destroyed  in  a  Port  by  such  invisible  agents  would  render 
it  to  dangerous  to  Admit  of  any  Vessel  remaining.  And  thus 
the  enemy  may  At  all  times  be  attacked  in  their  own  Ports  — 
and  by  a  means  at  once  cheap,  Simple  And  I  conceive  certain 
in  its  operation.  Another  mode  Should  be  to  go  with  cargoes 
of  Bombs  and  Anchor  them  in  the  entrance  of  rivers  So  as  to 
cut  off  or  Blockade  the  commerce  2  or  3  hundred  for  example 


NEGOTIATIONS  WITH   FRANCE  45 

Anchored  in  the  Thames  or  the  channels  leading  to  the  Thames 
would  completely  destroy  the  commerce  of  that  river  and  Re- 
duce London  and  the  Cabinet  of  St.  Jameses  to  any  tirms; 
no  Pilot  could  Steer  clear  of  Such  hidden  dangers,  no  one  dare 
to  raise  them  even  if  hooked  by  graplings  as  they  could  not 
tell  the  moment  they  Might  touch  the  Secret  Spring  which 
would  cause  the  explosion  and  destruction  of  everything 
Around  them.  No  Vessel  could  Pass  without  the  utmost 
danger  of  running  on  one  of  them  And  her  instant  destruc- 
tion, if  this  measure  Should  ever  become  necessary  Some  Vessels 
Will  most  certainly  be  destroyed  and  their  Destruction  alarm 
the  whole  commerce  of  the  Thames,  by  this  means  the  Thames 
may  be  blockaded  and  the  trade  of  London  completely  stoped 
nor  can  the  combined  fleets  of  England  prevent  this  Kind  of 
attack  — And  this  is  Perhaps  the  most  Simple  and  certain 
means  of  convincing  England  that  Science  can  put  her  her  in 
the  Power  of  France  and  of  compelling  her  to  become  a  humble 
Pleader  for  the  liberty  of  the  Seas  She  now  denies  to  her 
Neighbors  —  I  therefore  conceive  that  it  will  be  good  Policy 
to  commence  as  Soon  as  Possible  the  construction  of  the  Boats 
and  bombs  if  they  can  be  finished  before  the  arrival  of  Peace 
their  effects  may  be  Proved  during  this  War  Should  Peace  be 
concluded  before  they  are  finished  the  experiments  can  be  con- 
tinued Men  can  be  exersised  in  the  use  of  the  engines;  And 
it  is  Probable  in  a  few  years  England  will  See  it  her  best  policy 
never  to  give  france  reason  to  exersise  this  invention  against 
her  —  if  England  cannot  prevent  the  Blockade  of  the  Thames 
by  the  means  of  plunging  boats  and  Bombs  submarine,  of  what 
use  will  be  her  boasted  navy,  the  free  Navigation  of  the  Thames 
nourishes  the  immense  commerce  of  London  And  the  commerce 
of  London  is  the  Nerves  and  Vitals  of  the  Cabinet  of  St.  Jameses 
—  convince  England  that  you  have  the  means  of  Stopping  that 
Source  of  Riches  —  And  She  must  Submit  to  your  terms  — 

Thus  Citizens  I  have  presented  you  with  a  Short  account 
of  my  experiments  and  Plan  for  using  this  invention  Against 
the  enemy,  hoping  that  under  your  protection  it  will  be  carried 
to    Perfection,    and    Practised    to    promote    the    Liberty    of 

the  Seas  — 

Health  and  Sincere  Respect 

Robert  Fulton 


46     ROBERT  FULTON  AND  THE  SUBMARINE 

After  reading  the  above,  the  commissioners  desired 
further  information  which  Fulton  gave  in  the  following 

letter : 

"  Complimentary  day  an  9 
(i.e.  September  20,  1801) 

Robert  Fulton  to  the  Citizens  Monge,  La  Place  and  Volney 
members  of  the  National  Institute  and  Commissioners  appointed 
by  the  first  Consul  to  Promote  the  invention  of  Submarine 
Navigation. 

Citizens  this  morning  I  received  yours  of  the  2d  Comp^  As 
to  the  expence  of  Plunging  boat,  I  believe  when  constructed 
in  the  best  manner  with  every  improvement  which  experience 
has  Pointed  out  She  cannot  cost  more  than  80,000  Livers,  the 
bombs  Submarine  may  be  estimated  at  80  Livers  each  on  An 
Average  independent  of  the  Powder. 

I  am  Sorry  that  I  had  not  earlyer  information  of  the  Consuls 
desire  to  See  the  Plunging  boat,  when  I  finished  my  experi- 
ments. She  leaked  Very  much  and  being  but  an  imperfect 
engine  I  did  not  think  her  further  useful  hence  I  took  her  to 
Pieces,  Sold  her  Iron  work  lead  and  Cylenders  and  was  neces- 
sitated to  break  the  greater  part  of  her  movements  In  taking 
them  to  Pieces,  So  that  nothing  now  remains  which  can  give 
an  Idea  of  her  Combination,  but  even  had  She  been  complete 
I  do  not  think  She  could  have  been  brought  round  to  Paris  — 
You  will  be  so  good  as  to  excuse  me  to  the  Premier  Consul, 
when  I  refuse  to  exhibit  my  drawings  to  a  committee  of  En- 
gineers for  this  I  have  two  reasons,  the  first  is  not  to  put  it 
in  the  Power  of  any  one  to  explain  the  Principles  or  move- 
ments least  she  Should  Pass  from  one  to  another  till  they  enemy 
obtained  information,  the  Second  is  that  I  consider  this  in- 
vention as  my  Private  Property  the  Perfectionment  of  which 
will  give  to  france  incalculable  advantages  over  her  most 
Powerful  and  Active  enemy.  And  which  invention  I  conceive 
aught  to  Secure  to  me  an  ample  Independence,  that  conse- 
quently the  Government  Should  Stipulate  certain  terms  with 
me  before  I  proceed  to  further  exphnation:  the  first  Consul 
is  too  Just  and  you  know  me  too  well  to  construe  this  Into  an 
Avericious  disposition  in  me. 

I  have  now  laboured  3  years  and  at  considerable  expence  to 
Prove  my  experiments.  And  I  find  that  a  man  who  wishes 
to  Cultivate  the  useful  Arts  cannot  make  rapid  Progress  with- 


NEGOTIATIONS  WITH   FRANCE  47 

out  Sufl5cient  funds  to  put  his  Sucession  of  Ideas  to  immediate 
Proof  —  And  which  Sufficiency  I  conceive  this  invention  Should 
Secure  to  me,  You  have  intimated  that  the  movements  and 
combination  of  So  interesting  an  engine  Should  be  confided 
to  trusty  Persons  least  any  accident  Should  happen  to  me, 
this  Precaution  I  took  Previous  to  my  departure  from  Paris 
for  my  last  experiment  by  Placing  correct  Drawings  of  the 
machine  and  every  improvement  with  their  descriptions  In  the 
hands  of  a  friend  So  that  any  engineer  capable  of  constructing 
a  Steam  engine  could  make  the  Plunging  Boat  and  Carcasses 
or  Bombs.  You  will  therefore  be  so  good  as  to  beg  of  the  first 
consul  to  permit  you  to  treat  with  me  on  this  business,  And 
on  this  Point  I  hope  there  will  not  be  much  difficulty 

Health  and  Sincere  respect 
(Signed)  Robert  Fulton 

From  the  above  letter  it  appears  that  Napoleon  had 
expressed  a  wish  to  inspect  the  Nautilus,  which  was  pre- 
vented by  Fulton  having  destroyed  her  immediately 
after  the  termination  of  the  experiments.  Had  she  been 
saved  what  an  intensely  interesting  exhibit  she  would 
make  today! 

Fulton's  haste  in  dismantling  her  is  quite  on  a  par 
with  his  refusal  to  exhibit  his  drawings  on  the  ground 
that  they  were  his  private  property.  Apparently  he 
expected  the  French  government  to  adopt  his  ideas  on 
his  own  statement  of  facts  and  unverified  interpretation 
of  his  experiments.  In  his  impetuosity  and  lack  of 
judgment  he  could  not  see  that  he  was  defeating  his  own 
purposes. 

The  Brest  experiments  not  only  repeated  the  success 
shown  at  Havre,  but  gave  evidence  of  improvements  as 
was  recognized  by  the  authorities.  Their  attitude  is 
perhaps  shown  by  the  Prefet  Maritime  at  Brest  who 
after  witnessing  the  tests  was  forced  to  approve  the 
Nautilus  and  all  of  Fulton's  claims,  but  added,  *'  This 
manner  of  making  war  against  an  enemy  carries  the 
adverse  criticism  that  the  person  using  the  device  and 


48     ROBERT  FULTON  AND  THE  SUBMARINE 

sinking  with  it  would  be  lost.  Certainly  that  is  not  a 
death  for  military  men."  How  little  did  the  estimable 
and  high-minded  pref et  foresee  the  ruthless  methods  of 
warfare  to  be  employed  in  another  century. 

Delpeuch  asks  what  were  the  reasons  that  prevented 
use  being  made  of  the  Nautilus  or  at  least  from  trying 
it,  and  in  answering  his  own  question  says  that  it  is  a 
mystery  that  has  been  impossible  to  clear  away.  There 
was  no  mystery.  All  innovations,  and  perhaps  particu- 
larly so  in  connection  with  ships,  have  been  forced  on 
the  world  against  the  opposition  of  those  to  be  directly 
benefited.  It  was  so  with  Fulton's  submarine,  and 
later  with  his  steamboat.  The  change  from  side  wheels 
to  propellers,  the  use  of  metal  for  hulls,  the  introduction 
of  watertight  bulkheads  and  the  elimination  of  sails 
were  all  adopted  only  after  long  delay  and  strong  an- 
tagonism, due  to  the  same  official  and  unreasoning 
opposition. 

Realization  of  defeat  came  slowly  to  Fulton,  and  was 
all  the  more  bitter  because  it  came  so.  He  returned  to 
Paris  from  Brest  elated  by  his  success  in  demonstrating 
the  value  of  the  improvements  to  his  previous  design. 
He  expected  to  be  notified  immediately  that  his  offer 
had  been  accepted.  As  the  days  passed  without  word 
from  Bonaparte,  certainty  of  victory  first  gave  way  to 
doubt,  then  doubt  to  hope,  and  finally  hope  was  changed 
to  despair.  In  his  impatience  he  wrote  a  personal  letter 
to  Bonaparte.  This  letter  dated  19  Fructidor  an  IX 
(16  Sept.,  1801)  urging  and  begging  favorable  action  is 
still  iDreserved  in  the  Archives  Nationales  at  Paris. 

Bonaparte  made  no  reply. 

He  had  made  up  his  mind  to  travel  the  road  that  led 
to  St.  Helena.  Although  he  gave  Fulton  no  answer,  it 
is  reported  that  he  spoke  of  Fulton  as  being  a  charlatan 
and  a  swindler,  intent  only  on  extorting  money. 

There  is  one  piece  of  evidence  showing  that  Bonaparte 


NEGOTIATIONS  WITH   FRANCE  49 

subsequently  regretted  his  action  and  realized  the  value 
that  Fulton  and  his  inventions  might  have  been  to  him. 
Desbriere  in  his  book  entitled  "  1793-1805,  Projets  et 
Tentatives  de  Debarquement  aux  lies  Britanniques, " 
quotes  a  letter  written  on  July  21st  to  M.  de  Champagny, 
at  that  time  Counsellor  of  State  in  the  Marine 
department :  ^ 

I  have  just  read  the  proposition  of  Citizen  Fulton  that  you 
have  sent  to  me  much  too  late  to  permit  it  to  change  the  face 
of  the  world.  However  I  desire  that  you  will  immediately  refer 
its  examination  to  a  commission  composed  of  members  chosen 
from  the  different  classes  of  the  Institute.  It  is  there  that  the 
wisdom  of  Europe  should  seek  judges  to  solve  the  problem  in 
question.  As  soon  as  the  report  is  made  it  will  be  transmitted 
to  you  and  you  will  send  it  to  me.  Be  sure  that  this  will  not 
take  more  than  a  week. 

Desbriere  states  that  the  year  when  this  letter  was 
written  is  commonly  put  down  as  1804.  But  he  points 
out  that  in  July  of  that  year  Fulton  was  in  England 
and  Champagny  in  Austria.  The  year  was  probably 
1803,  because  in  July,  1803,  Fulton  was  exliibiting  a 
steam-propelled  boat  on  the  Seine,  concerning  which  in- 
novation an  official  of  the  Navy  department  would  un- 
doubtedly have  informed  the  First  Consul. 

During  the  agonizing  period  of  waiting  for  an  answer 
to  his  personal  letter  to  Bonaparte,  from  which  he  had 
the  right  to  expect  some  acknowledgment  at  least  in 
view  of  the  high  standing  of  his  introducers,  Fulton 
still  hoped.  But  when  he  heard  that  Bonaparte  had 
characterized  him  as  a  swindler,  he  knew  that  all  was 
ended,  and  that  the  door  to  further  progress  in  France 

1  Je  viens  de  lire  la  proposition  du  citoyen  Fulton  que  vous  m'avez  adressee 
beaucoup  trop  tard,  en  ce  qu'elle  pent  changer  la  face  du  monde.  Quoiqu'il  en 
soit,  je  desire  que  vous  en  confiiez  immediatement  I'examen  a  une  commission 
composee  de  membres  choisis  dans  les  differentes  classes  de  I'lnstitut.  C'est  la 
que  I'Europe  savante  doit  chercher  des  juges  pour  resoudre  la  question  dont 
il  s'agit.  Aussitot  le  rapport  fait,  il  vous  sera  transmis  et  vous  me  I'enverrez. 
Tachez  que  tout  cela  ne  soit  pas  1 'affaire  de  plus  de  huit  jours. 


50  ROBERT   FULTON   AND   THE   SUBMARINE 

had  been  shut  and  finally  barred.  This  was  something 
much  more  to  Fulton  than  a  mere  refusal  of  an  inventor's 
offer  of  an  incomplete  device.  Such  a  refusal  he  could 
have  endured  with  courage  and  some  equanimity.  He 
had  gone  through  similar  painful  experiences  with  his 
canal  schemes  and  his  various  excavating  machines. 
Now  he  had  to  suffer  that  disappointment  and  in  addi- 
tion the  still  harder  blow  of  having  his  altruistic  offer 
of  service  and  his  views  on  political  philosophy  rejected 
with  slanderous  contempt  to  which  he  was  powerless  to 
reply.  His  writings  show  that  his  heart  was  as  much 
set  on  his  conception  of  liberty  and  freedom  as  on  his 
mechanical  contrivances. 

After  his  defeat,  one  that  Fulton  recognized  as  final 
so  far  as  France  was  concerned,  he  laid  aside  perma- 
nently his  long  cherished  plans  for  constructing  small 
canals,  and  temporarily  his  consideration  of  submarine 
warfare,  to  devote  his  attention  to  the  development  of 
a  boat  propelled  by  a  steam  engine.  His  only  subse- 
quent move  to  promote  a  system  of  canals  coupled  with 
his  scheme  to  overcome  differences  in  elevations  by  in- 
clined planes  was  in  a  letter  to  Albert  Gallatin,  dated 
Washington,  Dec.  8,  1807.  Gallatin  was  then  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States  and  was  about  to 
issue  in  pursuance  of  a  resolution  of  the  Senate  a  re- 
port upon  **  Public  Roads  and  Canals. ''  Fulton  in  his 
long  letter,  that  Gallatin  made  a  part  of  his  report, 
urged  the  construction  of  canals  in  preference  to  high- 
ways. Engrossed,  however,  in  his  steamboat  to  which, 
following  the  rejection  of  the  Nautilus,  he  had  thrown 
his  impetuous  energy,  Fulton  made  no  effort  personally 
to  carry  his  canal  plans  into  execution  either  in  France 
or  the  United  States. 

In  1801,  Robert  R.  Livingston  had  arrived  in  France 
as  American  Minister  to  the  French  Government.  He 
and  Fulton  met  at  the  critical  period  in  the  latter 's 


NEGOTIATIONS   WITH   FRANCE  51 

career.  The  statesman,  whose  mind  was  sympathetic  to 
the  consideration  of  mechanical  applications,  soon  be- 
came interested  in  his  countryman's  projects.  Stimu- 
lated by  Livingston's  personal  encouragement  and  sup- 
ported by  his  financial  aid,  Fulton  pushed  his  studies 
of  a  practical  steam  engine  for  navigation  and  entered 
into  correspondence  with  Messrs.  Boulton  and  Watt, 
then  the  most  prominent  builders  of  engines  in  England. 
The  junior  member  of  this  firm  was  the  famous  James 
Watt  (1736-1819),  the  discoverer  of  the  principle  that 
power  could  be  produced  from  the  elastic  energy  of 
steam,  and  the  inventor  of  the  steam  condensing  engine. 
Livingston  as  an  individual  with  his  own  limited  re- 
sources was  about  to  accomplish  in  a  few  years  a  com- 
plete revolution  of  vessel  propulsion  that  Napoleon  with 
the  almost  unlimited  resources  of  France  could  have 
done  in  much  less  time,  certainly  in  time  to  offset 
England's  sujDeriority  on  the  high  seas.  Livingston  with 
greater  vision  seized  the  opportunity  that  Naj)oleon  re- 
jected.   But  with  this  we  are  not  concerned. 

While  Fulton  was  working  under  Livingston's  direc- 
tion, the  British  Government  was  not  unmindful  of  what 
he  had  done  in  the  matter  of  submarine  experiments. 
They  had  a  secret  service  at  work  in  enemy  lands  as 
other  governments  have  done  before  and  since.  In 
England  there  were  some  men  in  authority  who  appre- 
ciated the  possibilities  lying  dormant  in  the  scheme  of 
under-water  attack. 

In  the  British  naval  archives  there  has  recently  been 
found  the  following  letter  with  its  enclosure,  recording 
the  information  possessed  by  the  government  and  sent 
confidentially  to  the  naval  commanders  that  they  might 
be  on  their  guard  against  attack,  if,  perchance,  any  of 
Fulton's  boats  should  have  been  made  secretly  and  un- 
known to  the  British  navy.  The  British  authorities 
did  not  deceive  themselves,  nor  were  they  oblivious  of  the 


52 


ROBERT  FULTON  AND  THE  SUBMARINE 


latent  merits  and  actual  accomplishments  of  Fulton's 
design. 


SECRET 

CIRCULAR 

Adml.  Lord  Keith 

Sheemess. 
Admiral  Montagu/20th/ 

Portsmouth. 
Rear  Adml.  Montagu 

Downs. 
Honbl.  Adml.  Cornwallis 

/20th/    at  Sea. 
Adml.  Sir  Jno.  Colpoys,  K.  B. 

/20th/     Plymouth. 


Admiralty  Office, 
19th  June,  1803. 

My  Lord, 

My  Lords  Commissioners  of 
the  Admty.  having  been  in- 
formed that  a  plan  has  been 
concerted  by  Mr.  Fulton,  an 
American  resident  at  Paris, 
under  the  influence  of  the  First 
Consul  of  the  French  Republic, 
for  destroying  the  Maritime 
Force  of  this  Country;  I  am 
commanded  by  their  Lordships 
to  send  you  herewith  the  sub- 
stance of  the  information  they 
have  received  relative  thereto, 
that  you  may  be  apprised  there- 
of, in  order  to  your  taking  such 
measures  as  may  appear  to  you 
necessary  for  frustrating  any  at- 
tempt on  the  part  of  the  Enemy, 
connected  therewith. 

I  have  the  Honour  to  be, 
etc. 
(Signed)  Evan  Nepean 

(ENCLOSURE) 

Mr.  Fulton,  an  American  resident  at  Paris,  has  constructed 
a  Vessel  in  which  he  has  gone  down  to  the  bottom  of  the  Water, 
and  has  remained  thereunder  for  the  space  of  seven  Hours,  at 
one  time  —  that  he  has  navigated  the  said  Vessel,  under  water, 
at  the  rate  of  two  Miles  and  an  half  per  Hour;  that  the  said 
sub-marine  Vessel  is  uncommonly  managable,  and  that  the 
whole  plan  to  be  effected  by  means  thereof,  may  be  easily 
executed,  and  without  much  risk;  That  the  Ships  and  Vessels 
in  the  port  of  London  are  liable  to  be  destroyed  with  ease, 
and  that  the  Channel  of  the  River  Thames  may  be  ruined; 
and  that  it  has  been  proved  that  only  twentyfive  pounds  of 
weight  of  Gunpowder  was  sufficient  to  have  dashed  a  Vessel 
to  pieces  off  Brest,  tho'  externally  applied. 


NEGOTIATIONS  WITH   FRANCE  53 

But  Fulton  contributed  directly  to  the  information 
possessed  by  the  British  Government  of  what  he  had 
been  doing  and  what  he  had  in  mind.  He  himself  states 
that  he  wrote  to  his  old  friend  the  Earl  of  Stanhope 
giving  him  "  general  ideas  of  my  plans  and  experi- 
ments." Stanhope  became  so  much  interested,  or 
''  alarmed,"  as  Fulton  puts  it,  that  he  made  a  public 
speech  on  the  matter  in  the  House  of  Lords.  The  speech 
by  the  Earl  and  the  confidential  information  secured  by 
the  Admiralty  led  the  British  authorities  to  open  com- 
munication with  Fulton  and  finally,  though  without  great 
difficulty,  to  induce  him  to  go  to  England.  They  saw 
that  it  would  be  better  to  have  the  ingenious  American 
a  friend  on  their  side  rather  than  attached  to  the  enemy's 
cause.  But  let  Fulton  tell  this  story  in  his  own  words 
as  given  in  the  manuscript  that  he  left  with  Consul 
Lyman  to  be  delivered  to  Mr.  Barlow  in  the  event  of 
his  being  lost  on  the  voyage  home.  This  paper  will  be 
subsequently  called  the  ''  Descriptions  "  as  named  by 
Fulton. 


Chapter  V 
THE   '^  DRAWINGS   AND   DESCRIPTIONS  " 

Motives  for  inventing  submarine  Navigation 
and  attack, 

Statement  of  the  causes  which  brought  me  to 
England,  reflections  on  the  prospect  of  emolu- 
ment held  out  to  me  by  Lord  Hawkesbury, 
and  again  under  the  Contract  with  Mr.  Pitt 
and  Lord  Melville, 

Statement  of  the  Sums  received  and  disbursed 
by  me. 

Robert  Fulton 

Motive  for  inventing  Submarine  Navigation  and  attack. 


Having  contemplated  the  Federal  government  of  the  united 
States;  the  Vast  country  comprised  in  them  which  gives  room 
for  120  Millions  of  inhabi tents;  Seeing  the  rapid  increase  of 
their  population  and  consequently  of  their  industry  and  com- 
merce; A  people  without  colonies  and  who  did  not  desire  to 
have  any;  Without  Enemies  on  their  frontiers,  and  having 
nothing  to  contend  for  but  a  rational  intercourse  with  foreign 
nations  by  sea;  which  intercourse  would  be  interrupted  on  every 
war  which  might  take  place  between  England  and  France  or 
between  European  nations;  and  cause  Vexatious  feuds  and 
parties  in  America,  which  might  lead  to  marine  and  army 
establishments,  to  alliences  offensive  and  defensive  with 
European  states,  thereby  direct  the  ambition  of  individuals  to 
Military  fame  and  the  people  to  warlike  pursuits;  and  all  their 
complication  of  evils;  which  might  finally  divide  the  states, 
and  destroy  a  system  which  should  progress  as  near  as  man  is 
capable,  to  the  perfection  of  civilization. 

I  was  to  prevent  the  possibility  of  all  such  consequences; 
by  destroying  the  principles  which  lead  to  them;  that  induced 

54 


'^:*>^/'< 


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i:<iu^CtytL  ^c.,^pc<^i^  y^:^'^ ^^^^/^ 


«///<?" At. ^^  V     /^      ^^^rf^^At'^^y'    ^^'^r-ft^i^L*^i..CJ   ^>^^-/T.f^<i^iivt<»^ 

^/is^^TZzy^  r///i^  t-t^^<>^^^  ^t^^.c^^  ^^^t;^  ^M^^  /^ 


MANUSCRIPT  PAGES  WITH  FULTON'S  SIGNATURE 


THE   "DRAWINGS   AND    DESCRIPTIONS"  55 

me  at  first  to  contemplate  a  plan  which  might  destroy  all 
Military  marines  and  give  liberty  to  the  seas;  But  I  did  not 
hope  to  neutralize  military  marines  by  a  confederation  of  mari- 
time states;  Henry  the  Fourt  of  France,  and  the  Abbey  St. 
Pierre  with  all  their  influence  endavoured  in  vain  to  preserve 
peace  in  Europe  by  a  confederation  of  States  and  a  congress 
[of  st]  to  decide  on  grievances; 

I  therefore  looked  to  the  arts  for  efi'ecient  means;  and  after 
some  months  study  found  that  only  two  things  were  wanting: 
First  to  navigate  under  water,  which  I  soon  discovered  was 
within  the  limits  of  physics,  Second  to  find  an  easy  mode  of 
destroying  a  ship;  which  after  a  little  time  I  discovered  might 
be  done  by  the  explosion  of  some  pounds  of  powder  under  her 
bottom;  Being  convinced  of  the  practicability  of  two  such  en- 
gines, I  commenced  drawings  on  their  combinations;  and  cal- 
culations on  their  power  and  effects;  which  occupied  me  near 
nine  months  I  then  began  my  experiments  first  on  a  small  and 
then  on  a  large  scale;  and  in  two  years  was  so  wellsatisfied 
with  my  success  and  that  everything  which  I  had  contemplated 
might  be  performed;  that  I  wrote  to  the  Earl  of  Stanhope 
and  gave  him  general  Ideas  of  my  plan  and  experiments;  His 
Lordships  mathematical  mind  soon  opened  to  him  the  practi- 
cability and  ultimate  consequences  of  such  a  System;  he  felt 
alarmed  and  as  we  all  know  spoke  of  it  in  the  house  of  Lords; 
which  excited  much  public  curiosity  And  Some  ridicule;  on 
the  justice  of  which  Gentlemen  will  now  have  the  opportunity 
of  judging;  however  still  anxious  on  a  subject  which  his  talents 
gave  him  a  facility  to  understand;  he  took  the  trouble  about 
the  year  1803  to  form  a  committe  of  Gentlemen  to  consider 
the  principles  and  powers  of  my  inventions,  and  get  all  possible 
information  on  the  progress  I  had  made,  which  committee  I 
believe  made  a  report  to  the  then  Minister  Lord  Sydmouth; 
whose  attention  was  awakened  to  it;  about  this  time  May 
1803  there  was  an  english  Gentleman  in  London  who  had  known 
me  for  some  years  in  Paris;  Dr.  Grigory  became  acquainted 
with  him;  had  many  conversations  with  him  on  my  plan  and 
its  consequences  if  carried  into  effect;  the  Dr.  Communicated 
what  he  had  learned  to  Lord  Sydmouth  and  it  was  agreed  to 
send  the  Gentleman  to  Paris  to  induce  me  to  come  to  London; 
when  he  communicated  his  mission  to  me,  he  said  the  British 
Government  wished  to  us  my  submarine  Vessel  against  the 
French  fleets;  I  replied  that  in  this  there  must  be  some  mis- 


56     ROBERT  FULTON  AND  THE  SUBMARINE 

take  that  it  was  neither  the  interest  nor  policy  of  the  British 
government  to  Introduce  such  a  Vessel  into  practice;  he  Said 
on  consideration  that  might  be  true;  but  Ministers  wished  to 
be  fully  acquainted  with  the  properties  of  my  inventions;  and 
wished  me  out  of  France  and  in  England;  that  would  I  go 
over  and  explain  to  them  my  engines  I  should  be  rewarded 
in  proportion  to  their  Value ;  I  asked  if  he  had  any  written  proof 
that  such  was  their  intention;  he  said  no,  that  it  was  too  dan- 
gerous to  carry  letters  on  such  a  subject;  but  as  a  proof  of 
their  liberality  and  the  prospect  which  I  had  of  being  treated 
in  like  manner;  they  had  given  him  800  £  to  pay  his  expences 
and  mine  in  bringing  me  over;  Knowing  the  Gentleman  to  be 
a  man  of  Integrity;  I  believed  such  might  be  the  wish  of 
Ministers,  Yet  I  would  not  move  without  some  plan  and  written 
proof  of  their  intention.  I  therefore  desired  him  to  return  with 
the  following  proposals  and  if  Ministers  agreed  to  them  I 
would  come  over, 

First,  For  leaving  France  and  the  pursuits  which  at  present 
occupy  me,  and  for  going  to  England  I  [demand]  require  the 
sum  of  Ten  thousand  Pounds; 

Second,  On  my  arrival  in  London  Government  shall  within 
three  weeks,  mane  a  committe  to  examin  the  following  prin- 
ciples of  submarine  Navigation  and  attack; 

First  Principle 

That  a  Submarine  Vessel  35  feet  long,  10  feet  wide,  an  8  feet 
deep,  capable  of  containing  6  persons,  shall  have  the  property 
of  sailing  like  an  ordinary  fishing  Boat; 

Second 

That  her  capacity  including  her  machinery  shall  be  sufficient 
to  hold  provisions  for  Six  persons  to  continue  at  Sea  for  twenty 
days ; 

Third 

That  Six  persons  can  enter  such  a  vessel  &  descend  in  her 
under  water  at  pleasure, 

Fourth 

That  the  Six  men  can  continue  under  water  three  hours  with- 
out renewing  the  air, 


^l^yi^    tyf  ly/lt^-yny-rU^     O'.^A^'^^^U'^/'MJ^-^   «..^T/-»T-<^<^ 


rv-c^^^f 


y  _        <4r  /^  /<»c  j^;/,  x/^ 

■^*^:fi,c.^;  cXJyp*^^ /t^i^'-t'x-^  ^-<^»'«-<'    /^     yt^/ut^l^  *^f-i^    /^  c-^»-«-<^^W*-«.'<_' 

l/A  a^tr^/t^    /iX^t^  rO'X^     C'^i.-'*-*.      ^-*-«-t^-X,    iJc-l-cy/L.    «•-    ■Z/^-C^t't-^'^       l/> 

a^^^  eu^'it-^  ^-^^""A^'V  ^^«,-v*-<^^le-t,    <f-,^.,A.^l^  Ot^-'^ryi^e.ui.^  cc^  J2,   , 

^X'CyC  y^z,f^,u'C»0    <*^!!4^i,^..«>-x-    ^=«-^C-r-<-    **-«4.-ii!^tr .  Cr*<>^ O-^^^^^t^  ^^  <^.t» 

MANUSCRIPT   PAGE  OF  "DRAWINCiS  &   DESCRIPTIONS" 


THE   "DRAWINGS   AND   DESCRIPTIONS"  57 

Fifth 

That  to  renew  the  air,  it  is  not  necessary  the  Vessel  should 
appear  above  water;  but  approaching  the  Surface  two  tubes 
project,  through  one  of  which  the  mephitic  air  is  discharged, 
through  the  other  fresh  air  is  drawn  into  the  Vessel,  which 
operation  can  be  performed  in  3  or  4  minuets,  to  continue 
again  three  hours  under  water;  in  this  manner  a  crew  can  con- 
seal  themselves  under  water  during  the  day,  on  renewing  the 
air  4  times,  hence  might  lie  many  days  in  the  Neighbourhood 
of  an  enemy  unperceived, 

Sixth 

That  the  crew  can  raise  her  to  the  surface  at  pleasure  hoist  sail 
and  proceed  on  their  [Voage]  Voyage;  as  before  descending; 

Seventh 

That  where  the  water  is  not  more  than  Sixty  fathoms  deep, 
and  the  current  not  more  than  four  miles  an  hour,  she  can  cast 
anchor  and  continue  under  water  at  any  depth  from  one  to  fifty 
feet ;  that  she  will  there  remain  as  stationary  as  Vessels  usually 
are  while  anchored  on  the  surface; 

Eighth 

That  in  open  Sea  where  bottom  is  not  saught,  she  can  plunge 
with  safety  and  continue  Under  water  while  the  air  is  respir- 
able;  but  in  this  case  she  must  drift  with  the  tide  like  a  vessel 
which  cannot  anchor  and  has  no  wind, 

Ninth 

That  in  Still  water  and  while  under  water,  she  can  move  for- 
wards, or  backwards,  to  the  right  or  left,  mount  or  descend  at 
pleasure ; 

Tenth 

That  She  is  capable  of  carrying  30  Submarine  bombs  each  con- 
taining 100  pounds  of  powder 

The  preciding  properties  are  all  which  are  necessary,  to  a 
plunging  Vessel,  such  a  vessel  cannot  be  taken  in  consequence 
of  the  ease  with  which  she  can  hide  under  water  during  the 


58  ROBERT   FULTON   AND   THE   SUBMARINE 

day,  she  can  make  her  approaches  [in  the  night]  in  the  night 
and  must  be  considered  as  a  masked  [battery]  Magazine  which 
can  lie  secure  in  the  neighbourhood  of  an  Enemy  watch  an 
opportunity  to  deposit  her  cargo  of  Bombs  and  retire 
unperceived. 

Should  the  committee  find  the  properties  here  specified  within 
the  laws  of  physics,  and  by  the  ordinary  course  of  improvement 
reducable  to  simple  practice,  the  investigation  will  there  finish ; 
but  should  it  so  happen  that  I  cannot  make  the  committee 
feel  these  truths  without  Occular  demonstration,  I  reserve  to 
myself  the  power  of  building  a  submarine  Vessel,  for  which  the 
Government  shall  allow  a  sum  not  exceeding  ten  thousand 
pounds;  to  be  paid  progressively  as  I  may  think  proper  to  call 
for  it  to  proceed  with  the  work, 


Of  the  Submarine  Bombs, 

That  a  copper  case  containing  from  one  hundred  to  three  hun- 
dred pounds  of  powder,  coming  into  contact  with  the  bottom 
of  a  Ship  of  any  size  and  explosion  there  taking  place  will 
completely  destroy  her;  that  the  machinery  attached  to  such 
Bomb  is  so  contrived  [to]  as  to  cause  explosion  when  the  bomb 
strikes  the  Vessel,  or  when  the  Vessel  strikes  the  bomb;  or  at 
any  time  desired  from  4  minuets  to  13  hours  or,  8  days;  If 
the  Committee  are  not  to  be  convinced  of  this  without  experi- 
ment and  will  appropriate  any  kind  of  Vessel  I  will  blow  her 
up  with  a  submarine  bomb  to  give  demonstration; 

When  the  properties  of  the  Submarine  Vessel  and  Bombs 
are  demonstrated  and  admitted  by  the  committe,  a  new  suc- 
cession of  Ideas  will  of  course  result,  it  will  be  seen  that  England 
may  draw  advantages  from  these  inventions,  or  they  may  be 
turned  to  the  total  destruction  of  the  British  marine;  in  either 
Case  it  is  of  importance  to  the  British  Government  to  have  the 
entire  command  of  Such  engines  to  do  with  them  as  they  may 
think  proper; 

But  as  these  inventions  are  the  produce  of  my  labours  for 
some  years,  I  now  consider  them  as  rich  gems  drawn  from  the 
mines  of  science  and  which  I  and  my  friends  have  a  right  to 
convert  to  our  own  advantage  and  which  I  now  offer  for  sale 
to  the  British  Government;  For  putting  the  Government  in 
full  possession  of  all  the  combinations  and  movements  of  the 
submarine  Vessel;  so  that  any  Engineer  of  good  talents  can 


THE   ''DRAWINGS   AND   DESCRIPTIONS"  59 

construct  one,  and  navigate  her;  also  for  explaining  the  com- 
binations of  the  submarine  bomb,  and  the  modes  of  attack 
which  time  and  experience  will  multiply  and  perfection;  I 
[demand]  require  the  sum  of  one  hundred  thousand  pounds 
Sterling  — ; 

When  the  Gentleman  departed  with  these  proposals  it  was 
agreed  that  I  should  go  to  Holland  and  wait  his  return,  I  did 
so,  and  staid  at  Amsterdam  three  months;  contrairy  winds 
prevented  his  arrival;  I  Abandoned  the  negotiation  and  re- 
turned to  Paris  where  he  arrived  in  a  few  weeks  with  the 
following  letter  from  Lord  Hawkesbury  — 

Sir: 

Your  proposals  have  been  considered  with  that  attention 
which  the  merit  of  the  invention  deserves,  you  must  well  know 
that  it  would  be  contrairy  to  Established  rules  to  grant  such 
sums  as  you  require,  before  your  invention  authenticated  by 
actuel  experiment  in  presence  of  persons  appointed  by  this 
Government,  in  order  that  a  fair  opportunity  may  be  granted 
of  appreciating  its  merit  and  adiquacy  to  the  end  proposed; 
The  responsibility  attached  to  his  Majesty's  Ministers  in  their 
official  capacity  renders  it  impossible  for  them  to  advance  the 
sums  which  you  have  required ;  in  the  form  pointed  out  by  you ; 
without  exciting  such  public  attention  as  must  be  equally  un- 
pleasant to  you  and  His  Majestys  Ministers;  if  however  you 
have  sufficient  confidence  in  His  Majestys  Government  to  offer 
them  your  invention,  you  may  rely  on  being  treated  with  the 
utmost  liberality  and  Generosity.,  Though  this  Government 
and  you,  have  every  reason  to  be  satisfied  with  the  zeal  and 
activity  with  which  your  friend  has  conducted  the  business, 
Yet  a  negotiation  personally  conducted  would  smoothe  many 
difficulties,  and  every  facility  and  protection  you  can  desire 
shall  be  granted  you. 

And  should  you  be  disposed  to  accept  Active  employment 
from  the  British  government  you  may  rely  on  the  most  liberal 
treatment,  proportioned  to  your  efficient  Service;  — 


This  letter  was  brought  in  cipher;  I  Shortly  after  left  Paris 
and  arrived  in  London  on  the  28  of  April  1804,  On  My  Arrival 
Lord  Sydmouth  and  Hawkesbury,  were  out  of  office  and  Mr. 
Pitt  was  minister  To  him  I  proposed  the  terms  before  men- 


60     ROBERT  FULTON  AND  THE  SUBMARINE 

tioned;  But  Mr.  Pitt  and  Lord  Melville  instead  of  arranging 
with  me  on  the  terms  of  my  proposals;  prefered  making  an 
attack  on  the  Enemy  with  part  of  my  engines;  and  as  a  fair 
prospect  of  emolument,  at  least  equal  if  not  superior  to  that 
which  I  had  expected;  I  was  to  recieve  200£  a  month  during 
the  time  Government  detained  me  on  this  business;  and  half 
the  Value  of  all  vessels  of  an  Enemy  which  might  be  destroyed 
by  my  engines  in  14  years;  His  Majestys  Dockyard  and  ar- 
senals were  to  furnish  every  necessary  means  to  render  my  plan, 
efficient;  useful  to  the  Nation  and  Consequently  productive  to 
me;  and  on  these  principles  a  contract  was  entered  into  which 
is  inserted  in  the  body  of  the  arbitration  Bond, 

Here  read  the  Bond  and  contract; 

On  drawing  up  this  contract  I  foresaw  that  Ministers  might 
discover  the  bad  policy  of  introducing  the  whole  of  my  en- 
gines into  practice;  and  therefore  would  not  organize  it  nor 
exersise  men  to  it  so  as  to  render  it  productive  to  me;  and 
this  has  proved  to  be  the  fact;  Government  may  be  said  to 
have  abandoned  this  plan  And  it  will  be  seen  during  the  in- 
vestigations that  their  true  policy  is  to  abandon  it;  if  so,  from 
whence  are  my  profits  to  arise,  what  is  my  interest  in  it  with 
this  Governmt  for  14  years,  where  is  my  emolument  equivalent 
to  the  sum  of  100  thousand  pounds  mentioned  in  the  proposals? 
sent  to  Lord  Hawkesbury. 

Now  Gentlemen  I  foresee  before  you  enter  into  an  examination 
of  my  engines  and  their  final  consequences;  that  you  must  as 
true  friends  to  your  country  advise  ministers  [to]  never  to  use 
them,  but  to  conseal  them  if  possible  from  the  world;  it  will 
then  become  a  consideration  whether  40  thousand  pounds  is 
a  reasonable  equivalent  to  me  and  my  friends  for  abandoning 
engines  of  such  importance  to  this  government  to  do  with  as 
they  may  think  proper,  —  and  for  ever  giving  up  the  prospect 
of  gain  which  was  held  out  to  me  on  coming  to  this  country; 
or  which  the  contract  presented;  had  my  plans  been  organized 
and  carried  into  effect  on  System;  But  your  powers  are  con- 
fined within  the  limits  of  the  arbitration  bonds;  whatever  may 
be  your  opinion  you  cannot  exceed  the  sum  of  40  thousand 
pounds  But  from  your  report  as  men  of  science  and  calm 
delibiration ;  Ministers  will  be  able  to  Judge  of  the  reasonable, 
hopes  of  the  proprietors  of  these  inventions  and  not  only  of 


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THE   "DRAWINGS   AND   DESCRIPTIONS"  61 

justice  towards  them,  but  of  the  real  interest  of  the  nation; 
in  now  finally  Setteling  with  me  for  the  parties  concerned; 

No  Man  can  in  Justice  Say  that  we  have  not  a  right  to  make 
every  possible  profit  of  these  inventions;  And  we  have  a  right 
to  accept  Mony,  or  to  abandon  mony  for  fame  —  or  raise  our 
demands  in  proportion  as  time  and  new  Idas  develop  the  im- 
portance of  these  discoveries;  But  I  have  the  pleasure  to  say 
that  the  gentlemen  with  whom  I  act,  have  never  troubled  me 
with  one  ungenerous  or  illiberal  wish  to  raise  their  demands, 
they  conceived  these  inventions  worth  at  least  the  Value  of  one 
first  rate  man  of  war  or  100  thousand  pounds;  and  they  have 
never  deviated  from  this  first  proposal  —  on  my  part  I  Saw 
that  government  could  not  grant  any  sum  with  propriety,  unless 
there  was  reasonable  security  given,  that  the  proprietors  would 
never  communicate  the  engines  to  any  nation  or  persons  to 
the  injury  of  the  British  marine;  and  there  Is  but  one  mode 
of  giving  such  security  That  is  to  bind  these  proprietors  by 
their  own  interest  to  keep  the  secret,  I  therefore  Voluntarily 
offered  that  should  I  be  entitled  to  the  40  thousand  pounds; 
to  receive  one  moiety  in  cash,  and  an  annuity  equal  to  the  full 
value  of  the  other  moiety;  which  annuity  is  to  be  forfeited 
Should  I  be  the  means  of  Introducing  My  inventions  into  prac- 
tice against  the  British  marine;  perhaps  this  is  the  Strongest 
proof  a  man  can  give  of  his  own  sense  of  Justice  and  it  Should 
be  a  convincing  proof  of  my  confidence  in  my  own  power  over 
the  fate  of  my  inventions,  and  the  good  Opinion  I  have  of  the 
integrity  of  my  friends;  but  whatever  may  be  done  in  this 
business  in  capital  or  annuity;  the  annuity  must  depend  on 
my  life  as  their  names  cannot  appear,  having  so  far  stated 
facts  gentlemen  will  deliberately  consider  the  engines  the  modes 
of  using  them  their  ultimate  consequences,  the  Interest  of  the 
Nation,  and  a  reasonable  compensation  to  the  proprietors; 

The  first  consideration  will  probably  be  the  accounts,  of 
which  the  following  is  a  statement, 

Of  the  Accounts, 

The  sums  of  money  received  and  expended  by  me  are  as  follows 

1804  July  19  of  Mr.  Hammond 200 

1804  [April]  August  11th  of  Do 1500 

£  1700 


62     ROBERT  FULTON  AND  THE  SUBMARINE 

Article  the  Second  of  the  contract  states  that  7000  £  shall  be 
allowed  for  Mechanical  preperations,  this  was  for  the  first  ex- 
periment; but  after  the  attempt  off  Boulogne  on  the  Second 
of  October  1804  where  Lord  Melville  was  present;  he  enter- 
tained such  hopes  from  the  engines,  that  he  and  Mr.  Pitt,  then 
at  Walmer  castle,  ordered  more  Locks  and  large  copper  coffers 
to  be  made;  and  for  this  purpose  a  further  sum  of  3000  £  was 
about  the  month  of  November  or  December  1804  placed  to  my 
order  in  the  house  of  Missrs  Davison  and  Co.  At  this  time 
Ministers  were  so  well  satisfied  with  the  prospect  of  success 
from  my  engines,  and  feeling  the  right  which  I  had  to  a  re- 
muniration,  for  neglecting  other  pursuits  and  coming  to  this 
country,  and  for  the  communication  of  my  engines  to  them 
that  they  granted  me  for  my  own  use  the  Sum  of  Ten  thousand 
pounds;  it  will  be  seen  by  a  letter  from  Mr.  Davison  to  Mr. 
Hammond,  that  this  sum  was  also  granted  me  to  relieve  me  of 
some  pecuniary  embarrassments  and  was  considered  by  them 
as  a  reward  for  past  services ;  not  to  be  refunded  should  nothing 
more  be  done  or  required,  but  to  make  part  of  any  future  sum 
which  might  be  awarded  to  me 

Again  on  the  9th  of  October  1805  about  the  time  Sir  Sidney 
Smith  took  the  command  off  Boulogne;  Lord  Castlereagh 
thought  it  right  to  have  more  locks.  Bombs,  Boats,  and  prepera- 
tions made;  and  for  this  purpose  Also  to  pay  old  accounts  I 

received  of  Sir  Sidney  Smith   4045£ 

Of  Mr.  Hammond  first  Sum 1700 

Of  Do  Second  Sum 7000 

Of  Do  third  Sum 3000 

For  my  private  Use 10000 

25745£ 

By  an  error  in  Mr.  Cutlers  accounts  he  has  refunded  1,000  £ 
to  the  treasurer  of  the  navy,  which  leaves  24745  £  to  be  ac- 
counted for,  of  this  sum  it  will  be  seen  by  the  bills  and  receipts 
which  were  submitted  to  the  commissioners  of  the  Navy  and 

£  S      P 

passed  by  them  that  11353..  3..  2  has  been  expended  for 
government  uses  And  13391. .   16. .   10  to  my  own  use 

First  a  remuniration  10,000 

Second  my  salary  from  the  20th  of  July  1804  to  the  20th 

of  August  1806  or  25  months  at  200  £  a  month 5,000 

£  15,000 


V, 


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THE   "DRAWINGS   AND   DESCRIPTIONS"  63 

As  my  right  to  the  Salary  cannot  as  I  conceive  be  questioned 
for  I  have  continued  in  this  Country  to  get  the  decision  of 
ministers;  and  Should  the  10  thousand  pounds  remuniration 
be  admitted  Government  will  owe  me  on  this  Account 
1,608. .  3. .  2,  such  are  the  sums  received  by  me  and  the  Gross 
of  their  distribution  the  accounts  wiU  explain  the  details. 

Robert  Fulton 
London  august  10th  1806 


Description  of  the  drawings  of  the  Submarine 
Vessel,  submarine  bombs,  and  mode  of  Attack 


Plate  the  first  half  an  inch  to  a  foot, 

The  incompressible  part  of  this  vessel  in  which  the  men  are 
when  she  descends  under  water,  is  composed  of  cast  brass 
cylenders  6  feet  diameter  and  6  feet  long  about  one  inch  thick; 
which  will  be  of  a  strength  to  resist  the  pressure  of  more  than 
one  hundred  perpendicular  feet  of  water;  Three  or  more  of 
such  cylenders  may  be  screwed  together  at  the  flanges  to  make 
a  length  of  18  or  24  feet;  the  ends  forming  a  part  of  a  sphere 
to  resist  the  pressure  of  the  water  in  all  directions;  The  dome 
where  the  Men  enter  may  be  three  feet  diameter  three  feet 
high;  with  a  smaller  dome  on  the  lid  through  which  observa- 
tions may  be  made  when  raised  a  foot  above  the  water: 

The  cylender  and  dome  is  placed  in  the  body  of  an  ordinary 
shaped  vessel ;  and  the  water  chambers  for  sinking  will  be  round 
the  cylender  as  seen  in  plate  the  second; 

In  this  place  it  will  only  be  necessary  to  mention  the  dif- 
ferent parts  which  compose  a  submarine  Vessel,  any  person 
acquainted  with  mechanics  can  trace  their  movements  and  uses, 

A    The  bow  anchor, 

B    The  plunging  flyers  communicating  by  two  angle  wheels 

to  the  insides; 

C   The  bow  cable,  its  windlass  Slides  backwards  and  forwards 

on  a  square  axis  and  lays  the  cable  in  regular  coils; 

D    A  small  safety  pump  to  drive  the  water  out  of  the  balancing 

chest  G;  suppose  this  pump  one  inch  diameter,  a  column  of 

water  one  inch  diameter  and  300  feet  high  would  weigh  about 


64  ROBERT   FULTON  AND   THE  SUBMARINE 

150  pounds;  hence  one  Man  with  a  lever  of  three  to  one;  could 

work  such  a  pump  under  a  pressure  of  300  feet  and  rendering 

the  Vessel  lighter  than  her  volume  of  water,  could  mount  from 

that  or  even  a  greater  depth  to  the  surface; 

E  and  F  a  pipe  and  cock  to  let  the  water  into  the  balancing 

chest  G; 

G   The  balancing  chest  of  a  capacity  to  receive  from  three 

to  five  hundred  weight  of  water,  when  the  outer  chambers  are 

full,  the  Vessel  being  still  from  three  to  five  hundred  pounds 

lighter  than  water;     Water  is  then  let  into  the  balancing  chest 

correctly  to  such  a  weight  that  the  flyers  or  plunging  anchor 

can  hold  her  under  water; 

H   A  air  pipe  to  let  out  the  Mephitic  air;  there  is  a  similar  one 

which  extends  to  the  stern,  and  enters  a  Ventilator  Q  by  which 

means  the  air  may  be  renewed  in  the  Vessel; 

/    A  movement  to  work  the  rudder  while  under  water;  on  going 

to  plunge  the  man  who  steers  must  take  the  helm  off,  this 

should  always  be  his  first  act  least  he  should  forget  it, 

K   The  windlass  of  the  plunging  anchor  sliding  Hke  that  at 

the  bow; 

/   The  crank  of  the  stern  flyers;   of  the  pumps,  and  of  the 

plunging   anchor;    all   these   movements   to   be   performed   at 

pleasure  by  sliding  the  little  wheels  N  and  0  in  &  our  of  gear; 

P   A  screw  movement  to  hoist  the  stern  flyers  out  of  gear; 

and  out  of  water  when  the  vessel  is  under  sail, 

M   The  pumps  to  force  the  water  out  at  the  pipe  R. 

The  mast  descends  the  sail  boom  and  mast  are  tied  together 
and  made  fast  to  the  deck  before  the  operation  of  plunging 
commences. 

Plate  the  Second  one  inch  to  a  joot, 

This  exhibits  a  transeverse  section  A  the  Valve  to  let  in  the 
the  water  which  rises  up  to  the  deck  B.B  from  which  to  the 
upper  deck  all  round  the  Vessel  are  chambers  to  hold  sub- 
marine bombs;  which  are  placed  in  the  chambers  through  trap 
doors  on  deck;  and  which  bombs  being  the  weight  of  water 
will  in  plunging  displace  their  volume  of  water;  and  not  add 
to  or  deminish  the  weight  of  the  Vessel;  this  is  the  best  mode 
of  arranging  the  bombs  for  were  they  inside  they  would  be 
embarrassing  and  each  one  when  taken  out  would  require  to 
be  replaced  with  its  weight  of  water  — 


si- 


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THE   "DRAWINGS   AND   DESCRIPTIONS"  65 

F   The  pipe  to  give  air, 

G    The  pipe  to  discharge  the  Mephitic  air, 

H.H   Two  air  pipes  to  let  the  air  out  of  the  water  chambers; 

they  mount  to  the  highest  part  of  the  Vessel  to  let  the  air 

in  when   the  water  is  discharging;    there  should  be  at  least 

four  of  these  pipes;  two  in  the  bow  and  two  in  the  stern;  they 

may  be  lead  from  the  stem  along  side  and  unite  at  /./  there 

the  two  mounting  pipes  H.H  will  be  suffecient,  care  must  be 

taken  that  the  air  can  pass  off  with  ease  from  all  parts  of  the 

water  chambers,  or  they  cannot  fill,  nor  can  the  vessel  be  got 

under  water, 

C   The  balancing  chamber. 

D   The  safety  pump 

E   The  discharging  pipe 

/   Is  a  valve  to  let  the  water  go  from  the  centre  chamber  to 

•the  two  ends,  but  not  return,  by  this  means  water  may  be 

drawn  from  either  end  to  balance  the  Vessel  horizontal  there 

are  four  such  Valves, 

All  the  communications  with  the  exterior  have  cocks  as  will 
be  seen  in  plate  the  third, 

Plate  the  Third  one  inch  to  a  foot, 

Figure  the  first  shews  a  section  of  the  double  forcing  pumps 
A  and  B  too  cocks  to  draw  the  water  from  the  right  and  left 
water  chambers. 

Figure  the  second  a  side  View  of  the  pumps  A  the  pump  B 
the  valve  which  lets  the  water  pass  into  the  body  of  the  pump 
C  the  valve  which  discharges  the  water  by  the  cock  and  pipe 
D  by  shutting  all  the  cocks  and  screwing  off  the  top  plates 
which  cover  the  Valves  they  may  be  cleaned  and  put  in  order 
though  the  vessel  were  under  water.  Near  the  pump  the  plung- 
ing anchor  F  has  a  cock  to  stop  the  water  in  case  the  cable 
should  break  £'  is  a  screw  on  which  the  anchor  cap  rests  while 
the  anchor  is  up  and  thus  its  weight  is  taken  off  the  cable, 
Figures  the  3d  and  4  represent  a  side  and  end  view  of  the 
Cable  windlass  and  the  mode  of  sliding  on  its  axis. 
Figure  the  5th  Shews  the  whole  communications  of  the  pump 
tubes  the  great  water  chamber  being  divided  into  three  parts, 
it  is  necessary  to  drive  water  out  from  the  middle  or  either 
end  at  pleasure  A  A  the  pump  seats  B.B.B.B  the  four  valve 
chambers      C  the  discharging  tube  through  the  bottom,    D  a 


66     ROBERT  FULTON  AND  THE  SUBMARINE 

tube  to  draw  water  from  the  Balancing  chest    E.E  to  draw 

water  from  the  right  and  left  middle  chambers  only  one  of  these 

are  necessary  as  the  water  communicates  by  the  Kelson   to 

both  sides 

F   To  draw  water  from  the  bow  chambers, 

G   To  draw  water  from  the  stern  chambers, 

H   The  seat  of  the  plunging  Anchor, 


Plate  the  4th 

Figure  the  first  drawn  by  a  scale  of  one  quarter  of  an  inch 
to  a  foot,  Shews  the  incompressible  part  laid  down  in  the 
body  of  a  boat,  A  and  B  the  divisions  which  form  the  length 
of  the  vessel  into  three  water  chambers,  with  the  valve  to  let 
the  water  from  the  middle  chamber  to  the  two  ends;  but  not 
return ;  C  is  a  passage  for  the  water  from  one  side  to  the  other. 
The  other  figures  are  of  the  real  size,  shewing  the  modes  of 
constructing  the  air  pipes  with  cork  valves  to  let  in  the  air 
and  keep  out  the  water; 


Plate  the  6th  real  Size 

Figure  the  first  shews  the  mode  of  placing  the  conic  glass 
windows  with  the  stop  cocks  in  case  of  accidents;  Figure  the 
second  the  lid  and  cap  of  the  dome;  A  head  taking  an  ob- 
servation through  a  window;  this  mode  of  making  a  window 
conic  renders  it  as  strong  as  the  surrounding  brass,  as  relates 
to  the  pressure  of  the  water,  a  stroke  only  can  break  them; 
Figure  the  third  is  a  Bathomater,  to  shew  the  depth  under 
water. 

Plate  the  6 

This  is  an  addition  to  the  dome  more  curious  than  useful; 
it  is  a  mode  of  sending  up  a  note  and  bringing  down  an  answer 
while  the  Vessel  is  under  water,  Figure  the  first  A  is  a  cock 
with  the  cavity  B  in  which  there  is  a  small  reel;  C  the  handle 
of  which  runs  to  D.  .  .  .  ^  is  a  piece  of  Cork,  the  note  is  to 
be  written  on  a  piece  of  parchment,  tied  round  the  cork  or 
put  into  it,  the  cock  is  them  turned  by  the  handle  F  to  face 
the  opening  G;  the  reel  is  then  turned  off  and  the  cork  mounts 
to  the  surface  attached  to  a  small  silk  line,  when  the  answer 


H 
> 

CO 


THE   "DRAWINGS   AND   DESCRIPTIONS"  67 

is  fixed  to  the  cork  the  man  below  wind  it  down  into  the  cock 
which  being  turned  towards  the  inside  of  the  Vessel  the  answer 
may  be  taken  out. 

Figure  the  second  is  an  end  View. 

Figure  the  Third  shews  a  man  operating  &  the  cork  mounting, 

this  may  be  useful  in  making  experiments; 

Plate  the  Seventh  one  quarter  oj  an  inch  to  a  foot 

This  shews  the  submarine  vessel  under  sail  and  at  anchor 
under  water  with  her  plunging  anchor  out, 

These  seven  drawings  with  this  discription  will  enable  any 
able  mechanician  to  construct  and  perform  the  experiments 
of  a  submarine  Vessel;  It  is  not  intended  that  she  should 
go  under  or  near  the  vessels  which  are  to  be  attacked,  her 
use  is  to  enable  the  weaker  maritime  nations  to  attack  the 
stronger  without  being  detected  or  interrupted  in  their  opera- 
tions, hence  She  is  contrived  to  hide  under  water  when  pur- 
sued, where  she  may  continue  the  whole  day  and  approach 
the  fleets  and  harbours  of  the  enemy  in  the  night,  there  anchor 
her  cargo  of  submarine  bombs  under  water,  or  leave  them  to 
the  tide,  or  use  them  in  any  other  way  which  time  and  prac- 
tice may  point  out;  and  retire  unperceived  for  another  cargo 
and  deposit  them  in  like  manner  on  the  coast,  in  the  mouths 
of  rivers  in  harbours  or  among  fleets  at  anchor,  and  thus  place 
Such  numbers  as  would  render  it  impossible  for  any  Vessel 
to  move  through  them  without  the  imminent  danger  of  being 
blown  up  and  totally  annihilated; 

Of  the  submarine  Bombs  and  modes  of 
Using  them. 


As  Government  are  in  possession  of  the  real  locks  and  Bombs 
with  the  modes  of  arranging  them  for  action  it  will  not  be 
necessary  to  make  detailed  drawings  of  the  several  parts. 

Plate  the  8th 

Shews  a  bomb  arranged  with  an  instantanious  lock,  and  an- 
chored from  ten  to  twenty  feet  under  water,  for  this  purpose 
when  the  bomb  is  arranged  with  its  lock  it  should  be  ten  or 


68  ROBERT   FULTON  AND   THE   SUBMARINE 

fifteen  pounds  lighter  than  its  volume  water,  it  will  then  have 
a  tendancy  to  mount  to  the  surface  but  must  be  held  down 
by  an  anchor  or  weight  of  20  or  more  pounds;  as  the  depth 
of  water  in  all  channels,  bays  and  Harbours  is  known,  the  line 
D  should  before  setting  out  be  of  such  a  length  as  will  hold 
the  Bomb  from  5  to  ten  feet  under  water  at  low  water,  it  will 
then  be  that  number  of  feet  added  to  the  rise  of  the  tide  at 
high  water, 

At  Slack  water  it  will  stand  in  the  position  B  perpendicular 
from  the  anchor  at  half  ebb  or  flood  when  the  current  is  strong 
it  will  be  inclined  to  A  or  C  where  the  action  of  the  water  on 
a  flat  board  which  is  fixed  to  its  bottom  at  E  will  keep  iti  in 
the  position  here  deleniated  on  the  5th  of  June  in  this  year 
this  experiment  was  made  by  my  desire  by  Lieutenant  Wm 
Robinson  In  Dover  roads;  and  the  result  was  as  here  described 
—  A  vessel  under  sail  and  striking  on  the  Trigger  F  of  such 
a  Bomb  would  be  instantly  blown  up,  as  will  be  seen  in  plate 
the  Ninth, 

Plate  the  Ninth 

In  this  drawing  A  represents  the  Brig  Dorothea  as  she  blew 
up  near  walmer  Castle  on  the  16th  of  October  1805,  the  bomb 
made  use  of  on  this  occasion  had  a  clockwork  lock  set  to  15 
Minuets  the  bomb  contained  180  pounds  of  powder;  and  was 
coupled  by  a  line  of  70  feet  in  length;  to  a  bomb  which  was 
filled  with  peas  and  which  served  as  a  counterbalance;  As 
the  boat  run  within  the  Buoy,  one  was  thrown  to  the  Larbord, 
and  one  to  the  Starbord  side  of  the  bow,  and  at  the  distance 
of  60  or  80  yards  from  the  brig;  as  the  tide  drifted  them  along 
the  coupling  line  caught  the  cable,  the  pressure  of  the  tide 
then  drove  the  bombs  under  her  bottom  near  the  Keel,  where 
the  explosion  taking  place  she  opened  in  the  middle  was  com- 
pletely decomposed  and  in  20  Seconds  disappeared,  which  ex- 
periment has  proved  that  wherever  such  an  explosion  takes 
place  under  the  curve  of  a  Vessels  bottom;  so  that  the  action 
must  be  perpendicular  through  her,  certain  destruction  must 
be  the  consequence;  B  represents  a  Ship  under  Sail,  C.  D.  E 
Bombs  anchored  as  described  in  the  last  plate,  she  moving  to- 
wards and  among  them  with  the  risk  of  contact  and  destruction; 


H 

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THE   "DRAWINGS   AND    DESCRIPTIONS"  69 


Plate  the  Tenth, 

Figure  1st  shews  the  mode  of  suspending  the  bomb  to  the 
cork  floater  A;  the  line  B  has  pieces  of  cork  on  it  to  keep  it 
from  sinking;  the  line  C  is  a  brace  to  prevent  the  tide  driving 
the  Bomb  by  the  doted  line  to  near  the  surface  where  it  could 
do  no  execution:  the  line  E  will  be  longer  or  shorter  in  pro- 
portion to  the  draught  of  water  of  the  vessel  to  be  attached, 
which  will  be  further  explained  in  figure  the  Third; 

Figure  the  Second  is  another  mode  of  arranging  the  bomb 
A.  B.  C.  are  pieces  of  cork  tied  by  small  lines  8  or  10  feet  long 
to  the  principal  line  D  in  this  manner  it  is  floated  under  water 
where  it  is  not  Visible  nor  in  danger  of  being  hooked  or 
taken  up; 

Figure  the  third  is  a  section  of  a  ship  shewing  how  the 
bomb  lies  when  first  it  comes  alongsides;  here  the  suspend- 
ing line  A  is  of  a  length  to  bend  round  the  curve  of  the  vessel 
and  lay  the  Bomb  in  the  position  B.  where  the  explosion  taken 
place;  to  get  the  bomb  into  that  position  two  things  are  neces- 
sary First  When  it  is  loaded  and  has  its  lock  screwed  on,  or 
a  weight  equal  to  that  of  the  lock;  it  must  be  suspended  in 
a  tub  of  salt  water  and  if  too  heavy  it  must  have  a  cussion 
of  Cork  fastened  to  it;  so  as  to  balance  it  to  two  or  three  pounds 
heavyer  than  its  volume  of  water;  in  which  case  its  tendency 
downward  being  not  more  than  three  or  four  pounds  a  little 
pressure  of  tide  will  raise  it  or  move  it  latirally;  and  that  it 
may  mount  latirally,  and  move  to  the  position  B,  it  must  be 
hung  with  an  inclination  to  the  tide,  as  will  be  seen  in  figure 
the  fourth,  in  which  A  represents  a  Vessel  to  be  attacked,  B 
her  cable,  C.  C.  two  bombs  united  by  a  line  100  or  more  feet 
long,  which  line  is  tied  by  the  bridles  D.  D.  when  it  touches 
the  cable  the  tide  drives  the  bombs  alongside;  the  pressure 
of  the  tide  on  the  angle  D  will  then  drive  them  under  the 
bottom  of  the  Vessel  as  seen  in  Figure  the  3d. 

The  Bomb  was  thus  arranged  to  blow  up  the  Brig  Dorothea, 

To  throw  them  in  case  of  an  attack  it  is  only  necessary  for 
the  Boats  to  run  inside  of  the  Buoy  —  ;  which  might  be  done 
of  a  dark  night  without  being  observed,  or  if  Seen,  would  run 
little  risk  from  musket  shot  in  the  dark,  and  at  such  a  distance, 


70     ROBERT  FULTON  AND  THE  SUBMARINE 

Observations  on  these  inventions 


It  having  been  fully  proved  that  the  explosion  of  a  Submarine 
Bomb  under  a  vessel  will  completely  destroy  her,  it  is  now 
necessary  to  consider  the  expence  of  the  two  kinds  of  Bombs 
and  their  application;  The  expence  of  the  Bomb  complete, 
with  the  instantanious  lock  will  be  as  follows 

£      S  D 

Lock    2..  0  ..0 

Bomb  of  Copper 2. .  10  .  .0 

100  lb  of  powder 7. .  10  .  .0 

Anchor  or  weight  and  lines 2..  0  ..0 


£  14..  0  ..0 


The  Bomb  with  the  clockwork  Lock 

Lock    10  ..0  ..0 

Bomb  of  Copper 2. .  10  .  .0 

100  lb  of  powder 7.  .10  .  .0 

Cork  and  lines 2..  0  ..0 


£22..  0  ..0 


The  Average  price  is  18  £  and  each  bomb  of  18  £  Value  is 
of  a  power  to  do  as  much  execution  as  a  fire  ship  which  costs 
2  or  3  thousand ;  6,660  of  them  may  be  made  for  120  thousand 
pounds  or  the  first  cost  of  one  first  rate  Ship  of  the  line  when 
engines  of  such  destructive  powers  can  be  multiplied  to  so 
great  a  degree,  and  at  an  expence  which  cannot  be  felt  by  an 
opulent  nation  the  practice  of  them  may  produce  novel  and 
serious  consequences 

In  cases  where  a  nation  commands  the  seas  as  in  the  pres- 
ent state  of  the  British  marine,  the  Seamen  can  approach  suf- 
feciently  near  the  Enemy's  harbours  and  roadsteads  to  use  such 
engines  from  common  boats;  by  which  means  several  hundred 
Bombs  with  instantanious  Locks  might  be  anchored  in  the 
passages  leading  to  the  Texel,  Havre,  Brest  or  other  ports  of 


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THE   "DRAWINGS  AND   DESCRIPTIONS"  71 

the  Enemy  which  would  render  it  impossible  for  any  Vessel 
to  move  in  or  out.  But  it  may  be  said  that  the  Enemy  are 
already  completely  blockaded  and  England  has  no  need  for 
such  a  mode  of  war;  this  I  admit,  but  this  mode  is  less  ex- 
pensive than  the  Usual  method  of  Blockading  and  destressing 
an  Enemy's  commerce;  yet  should  the  economy  not  be  thought 
of  importance  Still  this  invention  has  to  be  considered  in 
another  point  of  View,  and  that  of  the  most  interesting  kind, 
Which  is; 

how  would  it  affect  the  commerce  and  marine  of  England 
had  the  French  the  means  of  anchoring  20  or  20  thousand  such 
Bombs  in  the  channels  to  the  Thames  in  the  Bays,  Harbours, 
Roadsteads,  and  a  long  the  coast  of  England,  Scotland  or 
Ireland ; 

I  will  now  endavour  to  Shew  what  an  Economic  simple  and 
certain  means  this  would  give  to  France  to  totally  destroy  the 
British  Marine 

And  First  as  to  Economy, 

The  Boulogne  Flotilla  has  cost  the  french  treasury  more  than 
three  millions  Sterling,  for  this  sum,  more  than  Two  hundred 
thousand  instantanious  Bombs  might  be  made;  with  such  a 
Magazine  at  Boulogne  or  Calais  and  100  good  row  boats  the 
Enemy  might  each  dark  night  throw  some  hundreds  of  Bombs 
in  the  channels  of  the  Thames  in  the  Downs  or  along  the 
coast,  to  the  total  destruction  of  the  British  Commerce,  And 
if  her  commerce  cannot  be  protected  what  is  the  use  of  her 
Marine  f 

I  will  now  Shew  that  were  this  Simple  System  organized 
in  France,  it  is  not  in  the  power  of  the  whole  British  marine 
to  prevent  the  practice  of  it  to  any  extent  which  Bonapart 
might  desire,  and  he  certainly  would  desire  the  annihilation  of 
the  British  Marine, — 

For  example.  Suppose  the  French  boats  were  to  anchor  500 
Bombs  in  one  night  in  the  waters  before  Boulogne;  where  the 
Blockading  squadern  usually  cruise;  some  of  the  cruising 
squadern  would  most  certainly  be  blown  up,  and  the  fleet  would 
be  obliged  to  Keep  at  a  greater  distance.  The  Bombs  being 
anchored  6  Feet  under  water  at  low  water,  would  admit  of 
row  and  sail  boats  to  pass  over  them  without  danger;  while 
vessels  drawing  from  15  to  20  feet  of  water  and  running  among 
them  would  be  destroyed.    The  french  Boats  passing  over  the 


72     ROBERT  FULTON  AND  THE  SUBMARINE 

Bombs  or  knowing  the  line  in  which  they  had  anchored  them; 
could  the  next  dark  night  anchor  another  500  still  further  out, 
and  compel  the  blockading  squadem  to  keep  at  a  still  greater 
distance;  In  fact  1200  Bombs  would  lay  a  whole  line  from 
Calais  to  Dover,  allowing  an  interval  of  only  30  yards  between 
each,  and  12,000  which  would  only  cost  168,000  £  would  lay 
ten  lines  from  Dover  to  Calais  which  would  render  it  impos- 
sible for  any  Vessel  to  pass  without  certain  destruction,  and 
thus  a  Blockade  of  the  whole  Channel  would  be  formed  of 
which  plate  the  11  will  give  some  Idea; 

Plate  11 

I  have  before  observed  that  the  french  boats  could  not  be 
prevented  depositing  the  bombs  in  this  manner;  Ships  of  war 
could  not  prevent  them  Because  they  dare  not  approach  where 
the  Bombs  are  anchored ;  British  boats  could  not  prevent  them 
because  they  could  not  always  be  on  the  watch;  and  Second 
because  the  french  boats  can  or  may  be  encouraged  to  combat 
any  boats  whatever;  And  the  moment  this  System  or  any  other 
reduces  the  British  marine  to  Boat  fighting,  the  revered  Sov- 
ereignty of  the  seas  will  be  for  ever  lost;  Colonies  must  be 
Abandoned  and  the  whole  influence  which  England  holds  in 
the  scale  of  nations  will  Vanish,  This  is  the  natural  and  ob- 
vious consequence  of  this  system  when  reduced  to  practice  and 
prosicuted  by  a  powerful  nation  with  energy  and  Spirit; 
Ten  lines  of  Instantanious  Bombs  or  even  a  less  number  an- 
chored in  the  British  channel  would  cut  off  the  greater  part 
of  the  commerce  of  London  and  of  England,  The  wealth  of 
England  and  the  existance  of  her  fleets  depend  on  her  immense 
and  uninterrupted  commerce, 

But  should  France  ever  possess  a  means  to  cut  off  or  interrupt 
such  trade,  England  would  be  obliged  to  submit  to  any  terms 
which  Bonapart  might  think  proper  to  dictate,  I  think  I  have 
here  shewn  that  the  plan  described  would  give  him  such  power. 
Gentlemen  will  deliberately  consider  it  and  its  consequences  — 

When  Mr.  Pitt  saw  the  sketch  of  this  engine  of  simple  con- 
struction, easy  application,  and  powerful  effect,  he  observed 
that  if  Introduced  into  practice  it  would  lead  to  the  annihila- 
tion of  all  military  marines,  It  was  therefore  agreed  not  to 
use  it,  —  But  when  I  speak  of  my  interest  and  that  of  my 
friends  in  these  inventions,  I  must  call  the  particular  Atten- 


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THE   "DRAWINGS   AND   DESCRIPTIONS"  73 

tion  of  the  Arbitrators  to  this  engine  to  Shew  that  while  in 
france  I  might  have  brought  forward  this  system  to  the  in- 
finite Injury  of  England;  I  did  not  bring  it  forward  but  came 
to  this  Country  by  Invitation  to  explain  the  engines  to  govern- 
ment; and  receive  what  might  be  considered  a  fair  equivalent 
for  inventions  of  such  magnitude,  leaving  them  to  government 
to  use  or  not  as  they  might  think  proper;  It  must  therefore 
be  considered  that  my  negative  to  France  is  a  Positive  ad- 
vantage to  England,  and  out  of  these  Ideas  will  arise  con- 
siderations on  such  sums  or  annuity  as  a  Great  nation  can 
afford  to  pay  for  her  own  security,  and  which  should  in  reason 
satisfy  men  possessed  of  inventions  the  consequences  of  which 
are  incalculable, 

After  what  has  been  said  on  the  practice  of  the  instantanious 
Bomb,  it  will  be  seen  that  the  submarine  Vessel  is  not  of  much 
importance  nor  necessary  to  Carry  such  engines  into  effect  from 
England  against  France,  or  from  France  against  England,  but 
it  would  be  of  the  first  importance  to  the  Sweeds,  Danes,  Dutch, 
Spaniards  or  Portuguise  in  a  War  against  England  for  with 
such  vessels  they  could  come  without  risque  and  anchor  in- 
stantanious Bombs  in  the  British  channel  in  the  mouth  of  the 
Thames  in  the  roadsteads  and,  along  the  coast,  and  distress 
the  commerce  to  as  great  a  degree  as  before  described. 

Each  submarine  Vessel  constructed  in  the  best  manner  would 
cost  about  8,000  £  10  of  them  could  be  built  for  80  Thousand 
pounds,  and  each  of  them  requiring  6  men  to  Navigate  them, 
the  total  would  be  60  men.  Each  Vessel  could  carry  30  bombs 
the  ten  could  convoy  300,  Besides  the  Bombs  each  could  carry 
water  and  provisions  for  6  men  for  6  weeks,  they  are  there- 
fore calculated  to  navigate  all  the  narrow  seas  of  Europe  and 
might  anchor  Bombs  in  any  channel  or  roadstead  where  it 
might  be  thought  necessary;  Thus  it  is  that  this  invention  of 
submarine  navigation  and  Submarine  Bombs,  gives  to  the  minor 
maritime  powers  a  decided  advantage  over  the  Major  maritime 

Nations, 

The  manner  of  attacking  a  single  ship  with  two  clockwork 
bombs  has  been  explained  in  plate  the  tenth;  which  mode  I 
conceive  will  be  allowed  to  be  less  expensive  than  fire  ships 
and  attended  with  less  Risk  than  Bordage  or  any  mode  now 
in  practice 

But  suppose  an  enterprise  to  send  such  Bombs  in  among 
the  Shipping  at  Brest  or  any  other  open  port;  the  tide  run- 


74     ROBERT  FULTON  AND  THE  SUBMARINE 

ning  at  the  rate  of  two  miles  an  hour,  the  clockwork  being 
set  to  two  hours  would  make  it  practicable  to  set  the  Bombs 
afloat  at  four  miles  distance  from  the  Enemy;  and  they  would 
arrive  among  the  shipping  about  the  time  the  explosions  com- 
menced; It  would  of  course  be  advisable  to  get  as  near  the 
Enemy  as  possible  before  giving  the  Bombs  to  the  tide,  and 
in  allmost  all  cases  it  is  possible  to  near  them  within  two  miles 
or  a  mile  and  a  half  in  the  night  time;  the  clockwork  should 
be  set  accordingly 

Plate  12 

Plate  the  12  will  Shew  how  the  hooks  are  arranged  to  pass 
the  Buoys  and  yet  hook  in  the  Cable;  in  all  cases  where  the 
line  of  the  Bomb  may  cross  one;  it  is  a  round  ended  hook 
filled  in  with  cork  to  keep  it  from  sinking  being  round  at  the 
end  it  cannot  hook  in  the  Buoy,  but  if  the  line  crosses  a  cable 
it  will  glide  along  till  it  comes  to  the  hook  and  be  caught, 
the  Bomb  will  then  drift  alongside,  and  sheer  under  the  ships 
bottom,  this  being  a  mode  of  attack  it  is  to  be  considered  what 
would  be  the  risk  of  10,  15  or  20  Sail  were  2  or  3  hundred 
such  bombs  floated  among  them  in  one  night. 
But  as  Ships  at  anchor  cannot  follow  or  even  fire  to  advan- 
tage in  the  night  on  boats  which  are  4  or  5  hundred  yards 
off;  it  [necessarily]  reduces  the  enemy  to  the  necessity  of  de- 
fending themselves  against  boats,  by  boats — ,  this  being  the 
Case  what  could  prevent  40  British  Boats  running  with  the 
flood  into  the  harbour  of  Brest,  there  throw  their  Bombs  across 
the  Bows  and  retire  with  the  ebb  of  night;?  16  oard  cutters 
each  with  4  or  5  marines  and  two  swivels  would  complete  such 
an  enterprise  with  little  risk  for  as  the  objects  of  the  British 
Boats  would  not  to  fight  but  run:  the  oars  would  never  be 
interrupted  and  their  Velocity  together  with  the  fire  of  the 
marines  would  clear  their  way  through  any  of  the  enemy's 
boats  which  could  be  ready  to  oppose  them;  but  they  would 
have  another  advantage  for  the  explosion  of  the  first  bomb  or 
the  Blowing  up  of  the  first  ship,  would  occupy  all  the  enemy's 
boats  In  saving  the  men  which  would  leave  little  or  no  oppo- 
sition to  the  British  Boats;  I  Leave  to  nautical  Gentlemen 
to  consider  whether  such  an  attack  with  such  engines  whose 
operation  is  instantanious ;  Is  not  practicable  for  British  sea- 
men in  Brest  harbour;  and  if  at  Brest,  it  is  also  practicable 
at  Cadiz  and  other  ports,  and  presents  a  more  effectual  mode 


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THE   "DRAWINGS   AND   DESCRIPTIONS"  75 

of  destroying  the  Enemys  fleets  than  any  method  now  in  prac- 
tice and  with  less  risk,  But  I  do  not  expect  Gentlemen  to 
decide  in  favour  of  this  mode  of  attack  without  first  contem- 
plating Galleys  or  cutters  of  the  best  construction,  and  picked 
men,  habituated  and  exersised  to  the  System  and  practice  of 
the  Bombs, —  For  as  a  morter  is  not  given  to  the  manage- 
ment of  a  lighthouseman,  but  to  a  Bombadeer,  so  these  en- 
gines should  not  be  confided  to  officers  or  men  till  they  had 
been  practiced  in  the  use  of  them, 

I  have  now  described  the  leading  principles  of  this  mode 
of  warfare;  it  is  well  known  that  all  new  inventions,  and  par- 
ticularly those  connected  with  a  government,  require  years  to 
perfect  them,  to  render  them  fameliar,  effecient;  and  introduce 
them  into  general  practice;  men  must  be  exersised  establish- 
ments must  be  made,  and  the  plan  whatever  it  is  Should  be 
pursued  with  System, 

But  when  ever  any  invention,  or  project  is  within  the  limits 
of  Physics  and  evidently  practicable,  it  is  to  be  reduced  to 
simple  operations  and  fameliar  practice  by  time;  and  the  in- 
ducement to  perfect  it  is  always  in  proportion  to  the  magni- 
tude of  the  object  in  View; 

Every  principle  her  ascerted  has  already  been  proved  by  prac- 
tice, what  then  is  wanting  to  make  them  productive  of  all 
the  consequences  here  contemplated?  only  time  and  perse- 
verence,  even  talent  is  hardly  necessary;  for  all  the  principal 
defficulties  have  been  overcome,  the  question  therefore  on  the 
policy  and  true  interest  of  this  government  concerning  these 
inventions  is  whether  they  Should  rest  in  their  present  state 
or  be  left  to  the  proprietors  to  convert  to  their  own  advantage 
as  they  think  proper; 

As  gun  powder,  Cannon,  muskets,  gun  locks,  and  even  flints, 
all  had  opponents  prejudices  and  established  habits  to  en- 
counter; yet  have  in  time  totally  Changed  the  art  of  war  and 
the  relative  strength  of  nations:  —  So  these  inventions  on 
submarine  navigation  and  attack  may  now  be  considered  as 
the  Embryo  of  a  total  change  in  the  military  marine  system; 
and  the  existing  relative  power  of  States;  it,  is  therefore  a 
subject  not  only  of  simple  arbitration  but  one  on  which  the 
Arbitrators  as  men  of  science  should  deliberate  with  the  ut- 
most care  For  it  is  now  and  by  their  means,  that  the  present 
and  future  Ministers,  the  guardiens  of  the  interests  of  Great 


76     ROBERT  FULTON  AND  THE  SUBMARINE 

Britain;  are  to  get  exact  Ideas  on  this  subject,  and  fully  make 
up  their  minds,  whether  there  is  anything  to  be  hoped  or  feared 
from  this  system;  Vulgar  men  see  and  admit  only  of  such 
things  as  time  and  practice  has  rendered  fameliar  to  all  Man- 
kind; Men  of  Sense  and  science  penitrate  from  principles  to 
future  and  certain  effects 

Robert  Fulton 
London, 
August  10th  1806 

Additional  Notes 


Of  the  supply  of  air  in  the  submarine  Vessel 


The  Cylender  or  incompressible  part  of  this  Vessel  being  6  feet 
diameter  and  24  feet  long  will  have  an  Area  of  672  cube  feet 
on  allowing  a  Man  to  consume  the  Oxygene  of  20  Cubic  feet 
in  an  hour  it  would  be  suffecient  for  one  Man  for  33  hours  or 
for  6  men  for  5  hours  or  should  each  Man  consume  the  oxy- 
gene of  only  15  cube  feet  in  an  hour  and  which  is  the  usual 
estimate,  there  would  be  suffecient  for  6  men  for  7  hours  or 
should  a  greater  supply  of  air  be  necessary  for  any  particular 
operation  it  may  be  done  as  in  the  following  sketch 

A 


A  is  a  cast  Iron  or  copper  box  one  cube  yard  or  27  cube  feet. 
Into  this  20  atmospheres  may  be  compressed  by  proper  pumps 
5  is  a  measure  of  half  a  cube  foot  C.  D  two  cocks  C  being 
shut  D  is  opened  and  the  measure  B  filled  D  is  then  Shut 
and  C  opened  which  lets  the  measure  of  air  circulate  in  the 
Vessel,  the  20  atmospheres  compressed  in  in  this  reservoir  would 
equal  540  cube  feet  of  common  air  and  suffice  for  the  6  men 
for  5  hours  more  and  thus  the  6  men  might  continue  under 
water  11  hours  in  such  case  were  they  in  a  harbour  or  sur- 


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THE   "DRAWINGS   AND   DESCRIPTIONS"  77 

rounded  by  a  fleet  they  could  continue  under  water  all  day 
and  mounting  with  their  air  pipe  out  of  water  in  the  night  re- 
new the  air  for  the  following  day,  but  this  is  contemplating 
an  extreme  case,  a  Vessel  which  can  stay  4  hours  under  water 
can  move  8  miles  in  that  time  where  the  tide  is  two  miles  an 
hour  and  could  get  out  of  any  open  harbour  Such  as  Brest, 
Cadiz  & 


On  the  weight  of  the  Cylender  and  its  Buoyancy 

Suppose  it  cast  one  inch  thick  on  calculating  its  cube  inches 
and  allowing  4  cube  inches  of  brass  to  a  pound  it  would  Weigh 
about  8  tons.  Its  volume  of  water  or  672  cube  feet  would 
weigh  upwards  of  16  tons,  hence  such  a  cylender  hermetically 
cloased  would  float  8  tons  lighter  than  Water 


Chapter  VI 
THE   BRITISH   CONTRACT 

Size  of  the  "  Drawings  and  Descriptions."  Pseudonyms.  Pro- 
posals. Contract  with  the  British  government.  Was  Fulton  false 
to  his  principles  in  supporting  Great  Britain  against  France?  His 
financial  position  under  the  contract. 

The  **  Descriptions  "  that  Fulton  left  in  England 
were  in  two  parts,  of  which  the  first  is  a  recital  of  his 
negotiations  and  work,  and  the  second  a  minute  descrip- 
tion of  the  boat  and  bombs.  Both  parts  are  wholly  in 
Fulton's  handwriting  and  cover  twelve  double  sheets 
of  paper,  five  for  the  first  and  seven  for  the  second  part. 
The  sheets  are  14J  inches  high  with  a  double  or  folded 
width  of  19i  inches.  The  writing  is  on  both  sides  of 
the  sheets,  so  that  exclusive  of  the  outside  pages,  which 
are  left  blank,  except  for  the  descriptive  recital  on 
page  1  of  the  first  part,  there  are  43  pages  of  writing. 
There  are  from  26  to  28  lines  to  a  page  with  a  margin 
of  2  inches  on  the  left-hand  side,  and  about  8  words  to 
a  line.  The  paper  is  heavy  hand-made  linen,  slightly 
off  the  white  in  color  with  gilt  on  the  edges.  One-half 
of  each  sheet  is  water-marked  with  a  design  composed 
of  a  crown  and  fleur-de-lys  surmounting  the  letters 
P  &  B,  the  other  half  of  the  sheet  being  water-marked 
Portal  &  Co.  1796. 

The  drawings  are  water-colored  and  are  on  sheets  of 
heavy  Bristol  paper  measuring  22^x181  inches.  As 
will  be  seen  each  one  is  dated  and  signed  by  Fulton. 

The  "  Bond  and  Contract  "  to  which  reference  is  made 
was  found  in  1812  among  the  papers  of  Lord  Melville 
and  was  then  deposited  by  his  executors  in  the  Public 

78 


THE   BRITISH   CONTRACT  79 

Record  office.  With  the  exception  of  the  Admiralty 
CIRCULAR  given  on  page  52,  the  contemporaneous 
archives  of  the  government  contain  little  concerning 
Fulton's  work,  and  are  in  this  respect  quite  different 
from  the  French  records.  The  explanation  is  that  the 
British  ministers  were  fearful  lest  information  regard- 
ing the  submarine  should  transpire  to  their  detriment. 
They,  therefore,  treated  all  correspondence  as  confiden- 
tial and  kept  letters  and  other  documents  in  their  per- 
sonal rather  than  official  files.  In  fact  Fulton  adopted 
the  pseudonym  of  "  Robert  Francis,"  a  designation 
that  was  frequently,  though  not  exclusively,  used  by 
both  the  Government  officials  and  himself  in  correspond- 
ence during  the  years  1804-1806. 

The  *'  Contract  "  was  Fulton's  own  conception  in 
form  and  substance,  the  government  accepting  the  terms 
that  he  proposed.  This  is  shown  by  his  notes  and  copies 
of  letters  that  still  exist. 

Lord  Hawkesbury  who  had  induced  Fulton  to  leave 
France  for  England  was  Robert  Banks  Jenkinson 
(1770-1828).  His  father,  created  Lord  Hawkesbury  in 
1786  and  Earl  of  Liverpool  in  1796,  had  served  as  Sec- 
retary for  War  from  1778  and  therefore  during  the 
greater  part  of  the  American  Revolution.  The  son, 
using  his  father's  junior  title  of  Lord  Hawkesbury,  be- 
came Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs  in  1801  in  the 
Addington  ministry.  As  such  Secretary,  he  would  be 
the  one  to  open  negotiations  with  Fulton  in  Paris. 

Fulton  arrived  in  London  on  the  19th  of  May.  Ad- 
dington had  been  displaced  by  Pitt  in  the  control  of 
the  government  a  few  days  before.  Lord  Hawkesbury, 
though  no  longer  in  charge  of  Foreign  Affairs,  continued 
in  office,  holding  the  portfolio  of  the  Home  Office  in  the 
new  cabinet.  In  spite  of  his  change  of  status,  Fulton 
would  naturally  call  on  him  as  the  only  official  with 
whom  he  was  acquainted.    In  his  note  book,  in  which  he 


80     ROBERT  FULTON  AND  THE  SUBMARINE 

copied  in  neat  hand  the  letter  of  Lord  Hawkesbury  that 
the  agent  "  Mr.  Smith  "  had  handed  him  in  Paris,  he 
writes  at  the  bottom  of  the  copy  of  the  letter,  **  I  had  an 
interview  with  Mr.  Hammond  on  the  21  when  he  desired 
me  to  give  in  proposals  they  were  as  follows." 

From  this  juxtaposition  of  names  it  is  fair  to  assmne 
that  to  Lord  Hawkesbury  he  gave  the  name  of  Ham- 
mond. Fulton  was  fond  of  doing  such  things.  His  own 
attempt  at  personal  disguise  under  the  name  of  Francis 
was  very  thin.  The  coincidence  that  his  real  and  tem- 
porarily assumed  names  began  with  the  same  letter  will 
be  noted.  So  do  Hawkesbury  and  Hanmiond.  The 
letters  to  ''  Mr.  Hammond  "  are  letters  that  would  be 
written  only  to  one  who  was  high  in  authority.  It  was 
not  in  accordance  with  Fulton's  character  to  send  such 
communications  as  are  the  Hammond  letters  to  a  sub- 
ordinate. In  "  Mr.  Hammond "  can  be  seen  Lord 
Hawkesbury  who  had  just  been  made  a  peer  in  his  own 
right  and  was  Pitt's  leader  in  the  House  of  Lords.  This 
identification  of  "  Mr.  Hammond  "  will  be  borne  in 
mind  in  connection  with  several  letters  given  on  images 
96  et  seq.  as  well  as  those  inmiediately  below  containing 
the  proposals  promised  on  May  21st. 

London  May  the  22d  1804 

Proposals  for  the  examination  of  a  System  of  Submarine 
navigation, 

Having  been  invited  to  London  by  the  late  Administration 
to  demonstrate  the  practicabihty  of  navigating  under  water 
and  attacking  and  destroying  ships  of  war  by  submarine  opera- 
tions I  propose  that  government  name  a  commission  as  they 
think  proper  to  examine  the  following  principles  and  give  their 
decision  for  or  against  each  article,  which  commission  Should 
be  composed  of  at  least  two  able  mechanecians  and  one 
Chymest,  — 


THE   BRITISH   CONTRACT  81 

Then  follows  matter  describing  the  plunging  vessel 
almost  verbatim  with  that  given  in  the  "  Descriptions," 
beginning  with  First  princijDle  on  page  56  down  to  and 
including  the  demand  for  £100,000  on  page  59,  after 
which  the  proposals  continue  as  follows: 

What  plans  government  may  have  in  View  to  draw  the  power 
of  Bounapart  into  governable  limits  Secure  perminant  peace 
and  forever  remove  all  Ideas  from  the  Side  of  France  I  do  not 
pretend  to  Conjecture 

I  beg  leave  to  propose  one  which  will  be  prompt  in  execu- 
tion and  if  Successful  will  forever  Remove  from  the  mind  of 
Man  the  possibility  of  France  making  a  descent  on  England 
I  propose  a  submarine  expedition  to  destroy  the  fleets  of 
Boulogne  and  Brest  as  they  now  lie  I  am  ready  to  exhibit 
the  practicability  of  my  plan  or  at  least  that  the  chances  are 
many  to  one  in  favour  of  Success,  and  merits  immediate  at- 
tention as  the  Season  is  much  advanced  much  is  to  be  done 
and  no  time  should  be  lost, 

If  government  adopt  my  plan  it  must  be  organized  nearly 
as  follows. 

One  good  Mechanecian  must  receive  my  drawings  take  my 
orders  and  see  to  the  execution  of  the  Machinery.  An  Active 
Sea  ofl&cer  must  have  power  to  choose  100  hardy  seamen  out 
of  the  fleet  who  are  good  swimmers  about  40  tons  of  powder 
and  7  thousand  pounds  for  various  expences  will  fit  out  the 
expedition. 

If  government  give  into  this  plan  I  demand  the  following 
terms 

A  pay  of  200  pounds  a  Month  while  I  devote  my  time  to 
the  enterprise  or  till  government  notify  that  they  have  no 
further  need  of  my  exertions, 

If  Government  appoint  their  own  officers  to  make  the  At- 
tack; from  the  directions  I  may  give,  without  my  going  to 
Sea  to  direct  it  I  demand  only  the  monthly  pay 

But  if  government  think  proper  that  I  go  on  board  a  Ship 
of  war  off  Boulogne  and  Brest  to  direct  the  time  and  mode  of 
Attack  I  demand  one  fourth  the  Value  of  each  Vessel  burnt 
or  destroyed,  In  either  case  if  I  do  not  succeed  I  demand  noth- 
ing for  my  trouble  but  the  monthly  pay  before  mentioned,  till 
government  notify  that  my  exertions  are  no  longer  necessary, 

Robert  Francis 


82     ROBERT  FULTON  AND  THE  SUBMARINE 


n 


These  proposals  were  sent  under  a  covering  letter  to 
Mr.  Hammond  "  dated  the  following  day. 


London  May  the  23d  1804 
Mr.  Hammond 

Sir  I  herewith  send  you  my  proposals  for  examining  the 
principles  of  submarine  navigation,  also  my  proposal  for  a 
submarine  attack  on  Boulogne  and  Brest,  in  this  period  of  our 
communications  it  is  necessary  we  Should  clearly  understand 
eachother,  First  Ministers  will  have  the  goodness  to  examine 
the  mode  I  propose  for  investigating  the  properties  and  com- 
binations of  Submarine  navigation,  if  they  approve  of  it  they 
will  Sign  it  as  a  contract  between  them  an  me,  then  appoint 
a  commission  to  decide  which  commission  approving  the  re- 
ward follows ;  this  part  finished  the  expedition  if  thought  proper 
is  to  commence  on  the  terms  specified 

I  have  the  honor  to  be  with 
much  respect  your  most  obedient 

Robert  Francis 

Without  waiting  for  his  proposals  to  be  accepted, 
Fulton's  mind  began  working  on  the  commission  to  be 
named.  On  June  12th  he  suggested  to  "  Mr.  Ham- 
mond "  that  the  government  and  he  should  name  an 
equal  number,  the  majority  to  decide.  On  his  part,  he 
proposed  Bishop  Watson,  Sir  John  Sinclair,  Lord 
Stanhope  and  the  Rev.  Edmund  Cartwright.  Appar- 
ently Fulton  had  great  faith  in  the  efficacy  of  the  church 
in  this  matter. 

The  Bond  and  Contract  is  on  fiive  pages  wholly  in 
Fulton's  handwriting  with  an  outside  sheet  with  two 
dockets,  one  reading 

Articles  of  Agreement 
with  Mr.  Fulton 
20th  July  1804 


The  other 


THE   BRITISH   CONTRACT  83 


This  attested  Counterpart 
of  an  agreement  between 
His  Majesty's  Government 
in  1804  &  Mr.  Robert 
Fulton  was  found  among 
the  papers  of  the  late 
Lord  Viscount  Melville, 
22nd  Jan.  1812. 

M 


Articles  of  Agreement  between  the  Right  Honorable  William 
Pitt,  first  Lord  commissioner  of  his  Majesty's  treasury  and 
Chancelor  of  the  Exchequer;  and  the  Right  Honorable  Lord 
Viscount  Melville  first  Lord  of  the  Admiralty,  in  behalf  of  his 
Majesty's  government  on  the  one  part;  and  Robert  Fulton 
citizen  of  the  United  States  of  America  and  inventor  of  a  plan 
of  attacking  fleets  by  submarine  Bombs,  on  the  other  part, 

The  said  Robert  Fulton  agrees  to  disclose  the  principles  of 
his  scheme  to  Sir  Home  Popham  and  to  superintend  the  execu- 
tion of  it  on  the  following  conditions 

First  To  be  paid  Two  hundred  pounds  a  month  while  he 
is  employed  on  this  Service  for  his  personal  trouble  and 
Expences; 

Second,  To  have  a  credit  lodged  from  time  to  time  for  the 
payment  of  his  Mechanical  preperations,  not  to  exceed  Seven 
thousand  pounds. 

Third,  That  in  His  Majesty's  dockyards  and  Arsenals  shall 
be  made  or  furnished  all  such  articles  as  may  be  required,  which 
are  applicable  to  this  purpose. 

Fourth,  If  any  circumstance  should  arise  to  prevent  govern- 
ment carrying  this  plan  into  execution  then  the  parties  are 
each  to  name  two  commissioners  for  the  purpose  of  examining 
the  principles;  and  trying  such  experiments  as  they  may  think 
proper,  And  if  it  should  appear  to  the  Majority  of  the  Mem- 
bers that  the  plan  is  practicable  and  offers  a  more  effectual 
mode  of  destroying  the  enemies  fleet  at  Boulogne,  Brest,  or 
elsewhere,  than  any  now  in  practice  and  with  less  risk,  then 
government  is  to  pay  the  said  Robert  Fulton  the  sum  of  Forty 
Thousand  Pounds  as  a  compensation  for  demonstrating  the 
principles,  and  making  over  the  entire  possession  of  his  sub- 
marine Mode  of  Attack. 


84  ROBERT   FULTON   AND   THE   SUBMARINE 

Fijth  When  the  Said  Robert  Fulton  has  destroyed  by  his 
submarine  carcasses  or  Bombs  one  of  the  enemies  deck'd 
Vessels,  then  Government  is  to  pay  him  the  sum  of  Forty 
Thousand  pounds,  provided  commissioners  appointed  As  in  the 
previous  article  shall  be  of  opinion  that  the  same  Scheme  can 
be  practically  applied  to  the  destruction  of  the  enemies  fleets, 

Sixth,  If  the  Arbitrators  differ  in  opinion  then  they  are  to 
draw  lots  for  the  choice  of  an  Umpire  and  the  Majority  of 
Voices  to  decide  all  points  of  reference  within  the  construction 
of  this  agreement  and  that  decision  to  be  final 

Seventh  One  half  the  supposed  Value  of  all  Vessels  de- 
stroyed by  Mr.  Fulton's  Submarine  Mode  of  attack  to  be  paid 
him  by  government  as  long  as  he  superintends  the  execution 
of  his  plan;  but  when  government  has  no  further  occasion  for 
his  service;  or  that  he  wishes  to  retire,  then  he  is  only  to  be 
paid  one  quarter  of  the  supposed  value  of  such  vessels  as  may 
be  destroyed  by  his  scheme,  and  this  remuneration  to  continue 
for  the  space  of  fourteen  years  from  the  date  thereof 

Eighth,  In  case  the  Vessels  destroyed  by  this  scheme  should 
exceed  in  amount  Forty  thousand  pounds,  then  the  Forty 
Thousand  pounds  first  stipulated  to  be  paid,  shall  be  con- 
sidered as  part  payment  of  the  whole  sum  which  may  become 
due  to  the  said  Robert  Fulton, 

Ninth,  If  in  the  course  of  practice  any  improvemt  Should 
be  Suggested  that  can  only  be  esteemed  as  a  collateral  Aid  to 
the  general  principles  of  Mr.  Fulton's  mode  of  attack,  then 
such  improvements  are  not  to  deminish  or  set  aside  his  claims 
on  government. 

Tenth,  All  monies  which  may  become  due  to  Mr.  Fulton 
to  be  paid  within  six  months  from  the  time  when  they  Shall 
be  so  adjudged  according  to  the  tenor  of  this  agreement, 

Eleventh,  This  agreement  to  be  considered  by  both  parties 
as  a  liberal  covenant  with  a  View  to  protect  the  Rights  of  the 
individual,  and  to  prevent  any  improper  advantages  being  taken 
of  his  Majesty's  Government. 

Mr.  Fulton  having  deposited  the  drawings  and  plans  of  his 
submarine  scheme  of  attack;  in  the  hands  of  a  confidential 
friend  with  the  View  to  their  being  delivered  to  the  American 
government  in  case  of  his  death,  does  hereby  bind  himself  to 
withdraw  all  such  plans  and  drawings  and  not  devulge  them 
or  any  part  of  his  principles  to  any  person  whatever  for  the 


THE   BRITISH   CONTRACT  85 

space  of  fourteen  years;  which  is  the  term  during  which  he  is 
to  derive  all  the  advantages  of  their  operation  from  the  British 
Government, 

The  benefit  of  the  foregoing  agreement  shall  be  extended 
to  the  heirs  and  executors  of  the  said  Robert  Fulton, 
Signed    this    Seventeenth    day    of    July    one    thousand    eight 
hundred  and  four 

exchanged   with   a   counterpart  Robert  Fulton 

signed  by  the  Right  Honble 
William  Pitt  &  the  Right 
Honble  Lord  Melville 

H.P. 

Witness 

Home  Popham 

The  reading  of  these  remarkable  documents  of  such 
great  historical  interest,  especially  at  this  time  when 
submarine  navigation  has  been  developed  to  the  point 
of  complete  success,  kindles  many  lively  reflections. 

The  question  is  whether  Fulton  acted  as  a  man  of 
honor  in  abandoning  the  country  for  which  he  had  volun- 
teered to  fight  and  where  he  had  received  such  signal  and 
loyal  service  from  its  citizens.  Was  he  justified  in  trans- 
ferring his  support  to  another  nation  at  war  with  France 
and  thus  help  destroy  the  growing  power  of  France  for 
which  country  he  had  professed  so  much  affection  ?  This 
question  has  been  debated  by  Fulton's  biographers,  al- 
though apparently  none  of  them  knew  exactly  what  it  was 
that  Fulton  had  done  for  the  British  Government.  They 
were  all  under  the  impression  that  his  work  consisted 
chiefly  in  the  demonstration  of  the  efficacy  of  torpedoes, 
carcasses  or  bombs  as  Fulton  vicariously  called  them,  or 
mines  as  we  would  speak  of  them  today.  Cadwallader 
D.  Golden  gives  several  pages  of  his  book  to  developing, 
with  some  labor,  an  excuse  for  Fulton.  Dickinson  finds 
some  justification  in  the  fact  that  Fulton  had  been  only 
partially  reimbursed  by  the  French  Government  for  his 
work,  but  more  particularly  in  that  the  development  of 


86     ROBERT  FULTON  AND  THE  SUBMARINE 

Napoleon's  ambitions  was  repugnant  to  Fulton's  ideas 
of  republicanism.  The  last  is  without  question  the 
correct  and  only  view  to  take. 

A  radical  republican,  hating  blindly  all  forms  of 
autocracy,  he  had  remained  in  France  believing  that  in 
France  he  would  see  the  full  flowering  of  his  principles. 
He  offered  his  inventions  to  the  French  Grovernment, 
not  for  23ecuniary  gain,  because  his  proposals  show  that 
he  was  willing  to  abide  by  their  decision  as  to  the 
monetary  value  to  be  determined  only  after  he  had 
achieved  success,  but  because  he  thought  that  the  French 
revolution  was  a  real  movement  toward  perfect  liberty. 
To  this  end  he  offered  not  only  his  device,  but  also  him- 
self. He  was  anxious  to  be  enrolled  in  the  fighting 
force  of  France  and  go  forth  in  his  little  boat  to  do 
battle  against  mighty  England.  When,  therefore,  he 
was  refused  by  Bonaparte  and  his  sincere  offers  scorned 
with  absolutely  unjustified  insult,  we  can  imagine  his 
revulsion  of  sentiment  and  forgive  any  bitterness  of 
feeling.  In  a  moment  his  idol  was  shattered.  He 
realized  that  those  in  control  of  the  French  Government 
were  not  actuated  by  a  broad  conception  of  world  free- 
dom, but  solely  by  personal  ambition  and  thirst  for 
power.  He  makes  this  position  quite  clear  in  a  letter 
to  Lord  Melville  quoted  by  Golden  as  follows,  though, 
before  publishing,  the  latter  must  have  edited  the  orthog- 
raphy: "  In  writing  this  letter,  I  feel  no  enmity  to  the 
people  of  France,  or  any  other  people;  on  the  contrary, 
I  wish  their  happiness;  for  my  principle  is,  that  every 
nation  profits  by  the  prosperity  of  its  neighbours,  pro- 
vided the  governments  of  its  neighbours  be  hiunane  and 
just.  What  is  here  said,  is  directed  against  the  tyran- 
nic principles  of  Bonaparte,  a  man  who  has  set  himself 
above  all  law;  he  is,  therefore  in  that  state  which  Lord 
Somers  compares  to  that  of  a  wild  beast  unrestrained 
by  any  rule,  and  he  should  be  hunted  down  as  the  enemy 


THE   BRITISH   CONTRACT  87 

of  mankind.  This,  however,  is  the  business  of  French- 
men. With  regard  to  the  nations  of  Europe,  they  can 
only  hold  him  in  governable  limits,  by  fencing  him  round 
with  bayonets." 

France,  his  dearly  beloved  France,  was  no  more 
liberal  under  the  upstart  clique  of  the  consulate  than 
was  England  under  the  regime  of  her  long  established 
autocracy.  This  is  the  only  explanation  of  how  and  why 
Fulton  abandoned  his  allegiance  to  France,  went  to 
England  and  there  worked  to  strengthen  the  British 
navy  that  it  might  the  more  easily  smash  the  growing 
power  of  the  French  fleet  with  which  he  had  once  so 
ardently  desired  to  serve.  He  had  been  cruelly  stabbed 
by  the  hands  of  his  friends  in  the  most  tender  spot  in 
his  heart.  This  cruelty  that  served  to  clear  his  vision 
he  could  not  forgive,  much  less  forget. 

Fulton  had  undoubtedly  been  unfairly  and  even 
cruelly  treated  by  the  French  authorities.  His  cher- 
ished ideas  into  which  he  had  thrown  his  whole  soul 
had  been  rejected  without  fair  or  reasonable  examina- 
tion. His  pride  had  been  deeply  wounded.  But  Fulton 
was  magnanimous  enough  to  have  overlooked  this  treat- 
ment had  France  herself  remained  true  to  his  concep- 
tion of  her  own  ideals.  It  was  not  that  Fulton  abandoned 
France,  but  that  France  deserted  Fulton.  From  his 
arrival  in  1797,  he  thought  that  he  saw  in  France  a  great 
exponent  of  a  new  world  liberty,  with  freedom  of  trade, 
freedom  of  men,  freedom  of  the  seas,  and  above  all  an 
enduring  world-wide  peace.  In  his  enthusiasm  he  be- 
lieved that  such  ideals,  in  which  he  firmly  believed,  were 
not  only  practically  realizable,  but  that  France  was 
about  to  make  them  the  guiding  principles  of  every  na- 
tion. It  was  for  that  reason  that  he  so  warmly  espoused 
her  cause. 

In  1797,  soon  after  his  arrival  in  Paris,  he  wrote  to 
his  friend  Lord  Stanhope  his  views  based  on  what  he 


88     ROBERT  FULTON  AND  THE  SUBMARINE 

fancied    to    be    the    actuating    theory    of    the    French 
revohition : 

My  Lord 

Hoping  every  month  to  Return  to  England,  together  with 
the  difficuhy  of  transmitting  Letters  to  London,  has  hitherto 
prevented  my  Writing  to  you  Since  my  arrival  In  Paris.  But 
at  present  I  have  troubeled  you  with  a  very  Long  Letter,  the 
object  of  Which  I  will  here  explain, —  Since  my  arrival  In 
Paris  I  have  been  Very  active  In  my  Canal  pursuits.  And  on 
this  Subject  I  have  Created  a  Revolution  In  the  mind  of  all 
the  french  engeneers  I  have  met  with,  who  are  now  descidedly 
In  favour  of  the  Small  System  of  Canals  —  Which  are  now 
Contemplated  on  an  emmense  Scale  of  extension  which  you 
will  See  explained  in  my  Letter —  It  is  Contemplated  to 
Raise  the  Whole  Revenue  by  a  Single  toll  on  Canals  which 
System  will  Infinately  Simplify  the  operations  of  Government, 
tend  directly  to  Set  trade  free  and  annihilate  a  Mass  of  Political 
absurdities  which  have  hitherto  disturbed  the  peace  of  Nations 
—  all  of  Which  you  will  find  explained  in  the  annexed  Letter, 
Which  Letter  will  Shew  you  how  much  Frenchmen  are  turn- 
ing their  mind  to  the  true  fountain  of  Riches  —  viz  home 
Improvement  and  Systems  of  Industry.  With  the  true  philoso- 
phic Ideas  which  the  entertain  of  Foreign  Possessions  and 
Restricted  trade  —  And  I  Can  assure  you  that  I  find  In  them  the 
most  Resolute  determination  to  establish  the  principles  which 
you  will  find  explained  And  Which  to  me  appears  of  the  Very 
first  Importance  to  Lasting  peace  —  and  the  Wellfare  of  all 
Nations —  It  is  therefore  of  much  Importance  that  English 
Men  Should  know  the  truth  of  these  principles  and  Learn  their 
true  Interest  by  Giving  up  as  the  french  mean  to  do,  and  will 
Compel  others  to  do  the  System  of  foreign  Possessions  and 
Restricted  trade  they  should  also  understand  that  Frenchmen 
are  Realy  thinking  Like  philosophers  Which  I  hope  my  Letter 
will  prove. 

'By  1801,  when  his  offer  of  his  talents  and  personal 
service  were  spurned,  Napoleon  was  already  leading 
France  far  afield  from  the  altruistic  but  impossible 
programme  of  1797.  In  3802,  Napoleon  had  made  him- 
self consul  for  life.     In  the  spring  of  1804,  he  was 


THE   BRITISH   CONTRACT  89 

proclaimed  Emperor  of  the  French  and  the  beautiful 
dream  that  had  entranced  Fulton  for  more  than  ten  years 
had  faded  into  nothingness,  as  dreams  usually  do.  He 
saw  that  in  the  aristocracy  of  England  he  could  find  a 
truer  democracy  than  in  the  demagogic  leaders  of 
France.  Fulton  was  but  hiunan.  His  warm  heart,  ar- 
tistic temperament  and  impetuous  nature  now  asserted 
themselves  and  drove  him  back  to  the  country  whence 
his  forebears  had  come,  and  away  from  the  people  whose 
governing  powers  had  wounded  his  pride  and  had  failed 
him  in  his  ideals. 

The  *'  Descriptions  '^  given  above  were  written  just 
prior  to  August  10th,  1806,  and  recite  the  course  of  events 
from  the  autiman  of  1803.  At  the  time  they  were  signed, 
Fulton  was  arranging  to  return  to  America,  and  actu- 
ally sailed  about  ten  weeks  later.  His  negotiations  with 
the  Government  had  not  been  satisfactory  in  that  his 
devices  had  not  been  accepted  and  he  had  not  received 
in  money  what  he  felt  was  due.  The  contract  shows 
that  Fulton,  profiting  perhaps  by  his  French  experi- 
ences not  to  put  trust  in  princes,  foresaw  this  contingency 
and  provided  against  it  in  the  Fourth  article,  that  should 
any  circumstance  arise  to  prevent  carrying  the  plan  into 
execution  commissioners  should  be  appointed  to  deter- 
mine whether  the  stipulated  compensation  had  been 
earned.  The  ''  Descriptions  "  were  prepared  for  sub- 
mission to  the  arbitrators  and  were  actually  read  to  them, 
as  is  shown  by  a  note  attached  to  a  copy  of  the  manuscript 
reading  as  follows: 

These  papers  I  read  to  Sir  Charles  Blagden,  Capt.  Hamilton, 
the  Rev.  Dr.  Cartwright  and  Alexander  Davison,  Esq.,  on  the 
18th  of  August  1806  these  gentlemen  being  named  Arbitrators 
to  settle  my  Claims  on  Government  under  a  contract  which 
I  made  with  Mr,  Pitt  and  Lord  Melville  —  the  two  last  named 
acting  for  me. 


90  ROBERT   FULTON   AND   THE   SUBMARINE 

The  words  *'  two  last  "  refer,  of  course,  to  Dr.  Cart- 
wright  and  Mr.  Davison.  The  ''  Descriptions,"  there- 
fore, give  Fulton's  case  as  he  saw  it,  and  consequently 
are  of  intense  interest  and  historical  importance. 

His  vision  for  the  United  States  that  the  population 
would  increase  from  5,500,000,  as  it  then  was,  to 
120,000,000  has  already  been  almost  realized,  sooner,  of 
course,  than  he  expected,  but  the  absence  of  colonies  and 
lack  of  desire  for  them  have  hardly  met  an  equally  suc- 
cessful prophetic  fate.  Certainly  he  never  foresaw 
Porto  Rico,  Panama,  Samoa,  Hawaii,  Guam,  the  Philip- 
pines and  other  outlying  possessions. 

What  a  delightful  picture  Fulton  unconsciously  pre- 
sents of  the  skillful  and  diplomatic  way  in  which  the 
British  Ministry  handled  him  from  the  beginning  to  the 
end!  When  the  emissary,  known  only  as  "  Mr.  Smith," 
stated  to  Fulton  that  the  Government  wished  to  use  the 
submarine  against  the  French  fleet,  Fulton  pointed  out 
that  it  was  not  the  part  of  wisdom  so  to  do,  that  the 
British  with  their  superiority  in  sea  power  had  more  to 
lose  than  to  gain  by  developing  such  a  weapon.  In  so 
doing,  he  but  anticipated  Earl  St.  Vincent  who,  bluff 
old  sea-dog  like  so  many  of  his  profession  to  whom  in- 
novations in  naval  warfare  were  anathema,  exclaimed 
that  "  Pitt  was  the  greatest  fool  that  ever  existed  to 
encourage  a  mode  of  war  which  they  who  commanded 
the  seas  did  not  want,  and  which,  if  successful,  would 
deprive  them  of  it." 

''  Mr.  Smith  "  was  very  clever  and  was  not  put  off  by 
any  such  argument.  He  saw  clearly  that  whether  Eng- 
land needed  the  device  or  not,  they  must  have  control  of 
the  man  who  possessed  the  secret.  He  evidently  felt  sure 
of  Fulton's  sentiments  because  he  told  him  quite  frankly 
that  they  wished  him  "  out  of  France  and  in  England." 

On  the  financial  side,  Fulton  appears  to  have  had  a 
proper  estimate  of  himself  and  the  value  of  his  devices. 


THE   BRITISH   CONTRACT  91 

The  sum  of  £10,000  as  a  retainer  would  be  no  mean  figure 
today,  but  owing  to  the  difference  in  purchasing  power 
it  was  comparatively  a  vastly  greater  figure  in  1803. 
This  retainer  was  in  addition  to  his  main  fee  or  price 
for  selling  the  explanation  of  his  devices  which  he  put 
at  £100,000.  The  "  Descriptions  "  read  that  he  said 
"  require  "  that  sum.  He  first  wrote  "  demand,"  which 
word  he  erased,  but  not  sufficiently  to  obliterate  it,  and 
then  wrote  ''  require." 

The  rating  of  the  value  of  his  devices  as  being  equiva- 
lent to  a  ship-of-the-line,  or  battle  ship  as  a  capital  ship 
is  now  called,  is  certainly  ingenious  and  not  imreason- 
able.  If  his  devices  had  any  value  at  all  they  would 
increase  the  effective  power  of  the  fleet  by  much  more 
than  the  addition  of  one  first-class  vessel. 

But  Fulton  was  dealing  with  men  far  abler  than  he 
in  fixing  values  and  making  contracts.  The  negotiations 
were  not  broken  off  by  abruptly  refusing  to  pay  the 
sums  asked.  That  would  have  been  a  blunder  that  one 
selected  for  such  a  delicate  mission  would  not  be  guilty 
of  committing.  The  British  representative  apparently 
did  not  even  suggest  that  the  retainer  was  exorbitant, 
but  only  that  it  was  *'  contrary  to  established  rules  "  to 
pay  in  advance.  Then,  before  giving  an  obligation  to 
pay  a  sum  commensurate  with  the  value  of  the  devices, 
the  reasonable  and  unanswerable  preliminary  condition 
of  an  experimental  demonstration  was  made  a  pre- 
requisite. 

The  British  diplomats  unlike  the  French  had  avoided 
giving  any  offense  to  his  amour  propre.  Though  they  re- 
fused to  grant  his  financial  requests,  they  succeeded  in 
getting  him  to  go  to  England,  which  was  their  main 
purpose.  Not  until  they  had  him  safe  in  London,  did 
they  take  up  the  question  of  a  contract.  The  original 
demand  of  £100,000  was  reduced  to  £40,000.  The  re- 
tainer disappeared  entirely  except  as  it  was  represented 


92  ROBERT   FULTON   AND   THE   SUBMARINE 

by  such  portion  of  the  £800  with  which  ''  Mr.  Smith  " 
was  furnished  in  the  first  instance  to  pay  his  own  and 
Fulton's  expenses.  In  lieu  of  the  reductions,  there 
appears  in  the  contract  an  agreement  to  pay  a  salary 
of  £200  a  month.  How  deliciously  clever!  To  one  in 
the  straightened  circumstances  in  which  Fulton  always 
had  been  and  still  was,  for  even  now  any  surplus  of 
income  of  which  he  might  have  been  possessed,  but  of 
which  there  is  no  evidence,  was  swallowed  up  by  his 
steamboat  experiments,  this  monthly  payment  must  have 
been  of  inestimable  importance.  It  guaranteed  him 
comfort  and  at  last  a  substantial  excess  for  his  other 
work,  because  his  submarine  disbursements  were  to  be 
met  entirely  by  the  government  up  to  a  maximiun  limit 
of  £7,000.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Government  held  se- 
cure the  man,  who  as  an  enemy  they  feared,  and  who 
as  such  was  a  constant  source  of  worry.  This  result  was 
obtained  at  a  cost  that  was  to  them  a  trifling  figure. 

Fulton  appears  to  have  concluded  that  his  claim  for 
£100,000  was  perhaps  too  high  because  he  voluntarily 
accepted  the  sum  of  £40,000  mentioned  in  the  contract. 
Of  this  latter  amount,  he  made  to  the  arbitrators  the 
ingenious  suggestion  that  they  pay  him  one-half  in  cash 
and  the  other  half  in  an  annuity  based  on  his  life,  the 
annuity  to  be  forfeit  should  the  secret  of  his  inventions 
in  submarine  warfare  be  divulged  by  him  or  his  friends. 
It  is  regretted  that  Fulton  did  not  disclose  the  names 
of  his  friends  who  were  jointly  interested  with  him,  as 
they  were  probably  the  same  who  had  financed  his 
French  experiments. 

Fulton's  receipts  on  his  own  account  amounted  on 
balance  to  £13,391 . .  16  . .  10,  leaving  due  as  he  claimed 
£1608  . .  3  . .  2,  exclusive  of  any  payment  in  part  or 
whole  of  the  £40,000.  As  it  was,  he  did  not  do  badly 
for  two  years'  work.  In  addition  the  Government 
furnished  £11,353  . .  3  . .  2  to  repay  his  expenditures. 


Chapter  VII 
EXPERIENCE   IN   ENGLAND 

Attack  on  fleet  at  Boulogne.  Torpedoing  of  Dorothea  (1805). 
Effect  of  Trafalgar  on  Fulton's  work.  Copies  of  "Drawings  and 
Descriptions."  Intent  of  government  not  to  proceed  with  the  sub- 
marine. Correspondence  with  Lord  Hawkesbury  and  Mr.  Pitt  (1804). 
Commission  of  investigation  appointed.  Decision  adverse  to  a 
submarine.        Nevertheless   Pitt   signs    contract. 

Two  years  had  passed  since  the  execution  of  the  con- 
tract, during  which  time  Fulton  remained  actively  at 
work  for  the  Government.  He  made  an  attack  on  the 
French  fleet  at  Boulogne  by  means  of  his  bombs  but 
without  success.  He  explained  the  cause,  and  probably 
correctly,  but  nevertheless  he  was  charged  with  failure. 
Then  he  repeated  the  experiment  with  altered  details 
in  the  mechanism  and  blew  up  a  brig  called  the 
*'  Dorothea  "  on  October  15,  1805,  in  the  presence  of 
Pitt  and  other  officials.  Success  was  again  in  sight,  but 
only  to  vanish  as  quickly  as  it  appeared. 

Six  days  after  the  destruction  of  the  "  Dorothea  " 
came  the  great  event  that  made  secure  England's  control 
of  the  sea.  On  October  21st,  Nelson  destroyed  the 
combined  French  and  Spanish  fleets  in  the  decisive 
battle  of  Trafalgar.  After  that  England  had  no  need 
of  submarines,  torpedoes  or  Fulton.  Her  ships  of  oak 
were  absolutely  supreme,  and  she  saw  the  force  of  Lord 
St.  Vincent's  criticism. 

The  parallel  between  1805  and  1922  is  close.  Then 
as  now,  and  for  similar  reasons,  England  was,  and  is, 
opposed  to  the  use  of  submarines  in  warfare. 

Mention  was  made  above  that  the  "  Descriptions  "  he 
left  in  England  had  been  copied.     Fulton  did  this  with 

93 


94  ROBERT   FULTON   AND   THE   SUBMARINE 

nearly  all  his  important  papers,  and  the  copies  were  in 
manuscript,  not  letter  press  tissues.  In  this  case  the 
copy  is  in  the  possession  of  Edward  C.  Cammann,  Esq., 
a  great  grandson,  and  bears  several  dates.  To  the  main 
recital  are  added  41  pages  of  the  same  size  paper,  of 
which  12  pages  contain  material  entitled  ''  London 
August  the  16th,  1806.  Notes  on  observations  of  the 
Arbitrators,  Particularly  of  Capt.  Hamilton  and  Sir 
Charles  Blagden  in  answer  to  objections  stated  by  them." 
The  balance  are  taken  up  by  letters  to  Lord  Grenville 
dated  September  the  3rd,  and  ''  Further  considerations 
on  the  instantaneous  and  clockwork  bombs." 

Before  leaving  England  he  also  copied  the  drawings. 
These  copies  are  on  thin  paper  and  are  obviously  trac- 
ings of  the  original  "  Drawings  "  that  are  on  bristol 
board.  In  the  course  of  time  the  tracings  have  become 
separated  from  the  manuscript  copy  and  are  now  the 
property  of  the  New  Jersey  Historical  Society  at 
Newark,  N.  J.  The  latter  plates  are  signed  and  dated 
1806,  whereas  the  originals  bear  date  1804.  In  the 
eleventh  clause  of  the  contract  Fulton  stated  that  he 
had  "  deposited  the  drawing  and  plans  of  his  submarine 
scheme  of  attack  in  the  hands  of  a  confidential  friend 
with  the  view  to  their  being  delivered  to  the  American 
Govermnent  in  case  of  his  death."  As  it  is  unlikely 
that  Fulton  made  two  sets  of  carefully  prepared  draw- 
ings in  1804,  the  evidence  is  presumptive  that  the  plans 
above  referred  to  are  the  ones  that  have  recently  been 
found  in  England  and  that  form  the  basis  of  this  book. 
The  American  Consul  at  the  time,  especially  as  he  was 
a  man  of  character  and  responsibility,  would  be  the 
natural  depositary  for  papers  of  semi-official  character. 
Of  the  original  drawings,  numbers  1,  6,  8,  10  and  11  are 
unfortunately  missing.  Through  the  courtesy  of  the 
Historical  Society  their  copies  have  been  used  to  make 
good  the  deficiency. 


EXPERIENCE   IN  ENGLAND  95 

By  the  spring  of  1806,  Fulton  had  no  misapprehensions 
as  to  the  intent  of  the  British  Government.  It  was 
quite  clear  to  him,  as  his  letters  show,  that  the  authori- 
ties had  decided  not  to  use  his  devices  for  either  sub- 
marine or  torpedoes.  It  is  also  likely  that  he  had 
received  an  intimation  that  his  salary  would  be  discon- 
tinued. Professional  recognition  was  to  be  denied  him, 
and  unless  he  was  also  willing  to  forego  hope  for 
substantial  pecuniary  recompense  he  must  have  recourse 
to  the  arbitration  clause  of  his  contract. 

Whether  the  necessity  for  such  action  came  as  a  sur- 
prise to  Fulton,  one  thing  is  clear  from  his  letters.  In 
spite  of  a  liberal  contract,  carrying  a  generous  salary 
and  full  allowance  for  his  disbursements,  Fulton  had 
not  been  happy  from  the  very  first.  He  was  impatient 
at  every  delay  and  intolerant  of  every  suggestion.  He 
would  not,  or  could  not,  understand  that  the  progress 
of  government  affairs  is  always  slow,  and  that  no 
government  official,  no  matter  how  exalted  his  rank, 
could  make  decision  promptly  without  reference  to  his 
professional  advisors.  The  similar  errors  in  judgment 
that  he  committed  in  France  he  repeated  in  England. 

His  letters,  of  which  he  wrote  many,  are  from  the 
very  first  couched  in  terms  that  it  must  be  confessed 
are  impatient,  dictatorial  and  fault-finding,  and  never 
in  that  diplomatic  and  conciliatory  form  that  has  always 
been  considered  proper  when  addressing  high  govern- 
ment officials.  This  is  particularly  true  when  one  re- 
members that  he  was  corresponding  with  men  holding 
office  under  George  III,  a  period  when  those  directing 
government  did  not  hesitate  to  arrogate  to  themselves 
full  autocratic  powers  and  to  regard  all  who  were  not 
in  their  own  class  as  far  removed  inferiors.  From 
others  than  their  associates  they  were  not  inclined  to 
accept  dictation  or  brook  carping  criticism.  That  the 
several  ministers  with  whom  Fulton  dealt  tolerated  the 


96     ROBERT  FULTON  AND  THE  SUBMARINE 

tone  of  his  communications  and  overlooked  his  demands 
and  complaints,  is  most  striking  testimony  of  the  high 
regard  in  which  they  held  his  devices.  Just  so  long  as 
France  was  in  a  position  to  threaten  their  power  on  the 
ocean  they  intended  to  keep  and  hold  Fulton  safe. 

Although  on  May  23rd  he  had  submitted  his  proposals 
to  "  Mr.  Hammond,"  nevertheless  immediately  after- 
ward, and  before  his  proposals  could  be  examined,  he 
decided  to  go  over  Lord  Hawkesbury's  head  and  seek 
a  conference  direct  with  the  prime  minister.  On  June 
6th,  he  wrote  the  following  letter  in  which  it  will  be 
noticed  he  explained  the  connection  between  his  right 
and  assumed  names: 

Robert  Fulton  known  by  the  name  of  Francis  Author  of 
Submarine  Navigation  to  Mr.  Pitt. 

Sir  What  I  have  to  say  on  this  subject  and  its  prompt 
effects  I  hope  you  will  find  interesting,  it  possibly  may  be  of 
the  utmost  importance  in  Seconding  your  Views  if  Soon 
adopted;  it  is  at  least  of  some  moment  that  you  feel  a  con- 
viction what  I  propose  to  demonstrate  are  facts  and  that  your 
mind  trace  over  the  political  consequences  I  beg  20  minuets 
conversation  with  you  as  soon  as  possible. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be  your  most 

Obedient  R  Francis 
Storeys  gate  coffee  house  June  the  6th  1804 

Before  Pitt  had  reasonable  opportunity  to  arrange 
for  an  interview,  or  Lord  Hawkesbury  to  name  a  com- 
mission of  investigation,  Fulton  wrote  ' '  Mr.  Hammond  ' ' 
a  tart  letter  of  complaint  just  one  month  after  he  had 
arrived  in  London: 

Storeys  Gate  coffeehouse  June  the  22d  1804 
Mr.  Hammond 
Sir 
The  first  day  I  had  the  pleasure  of  Seeing  you  I  promised 
you  candor,  and  Should  time  make  me  more  known  to  your 
government  they  will  find  frankness  one  of  the  leading  lines 


EXPERIENCE   IN  ENGLAND  97 

of  my  character,  Now  I  candidly  declare  that  having  been  here 
5  weeks  in  some  degree  like  a  prisoner,  and  at  present  as  much 
in  the  dark  as  on  the  day  of  my  arrival  such  a  state  of  Sus- 
pence  begins  to  grow  extremely  unpleasant 

The  flattering  and  I  believe  candid  promises  of  the  late 
ministry  induced  me  to  come  to  this  country  and  as  yet  I  do 
not  repent  it  but  I  beg  to  be  informed  if  the  present  ministry 
mean  to  act  up  to  the  spirit  of  Lord  Hawkesburies  letter  to  me 
or  what  do  they  desire  of  me? 

On  my  part  I  came  here  to  acquire  wealth  by  communicating 
a  new  System  to  government  which  I  do  not  hesitate  to  Say 
is  to  them  more  than  one  thousand  times  the  value  of  any  sum 
I  may  receive,  I  have  pointed  out  the  most  Simple  and 
honorable  mode  of  determining  whether  this  ascertion  is  fact, 
by  means  of  a  committee  of  scientific  men,  and  now  I  beg  to 
know  will  government  agree  to  such  decision  and  when  Shall 
the  discussion  commence?  or  do  they  wish  to  decline  all  re- 
search into  this  business  you  will  have  the  goodness  to  give  me 
their  ultimatum  when  I  shall  have  the  honor  to  see  you  on 
tuesday 

Believe  me  impressed  with  the  highest 
respect    for    you    your    most    obedient 

RoBT  Francis 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  in  spite  of  Fulton's  impatience 
the  government  acted  with  commendable,  if  not  extraor- 
dinary, celerity.  A  commission  was  named  and  it  re- 
ported before  June  27th,  because  on  that  date  Fulton 
addressed  to  '*  Mr.  Hammond  "  a  review  of  their  find- 
ings. The  commission  was  composed  of  Sir  Joseph 
Banks,  President  of  the  Royal  Academy,  the  Hon.  H. 
Cavendish,  a  well-kno\\Ti  chemist.  Sir  Home  Popham, 
Major  Congreve,  an  inventor  of  projectiles,  and  Mr. 
John  Rennie,  one  of  England's  leading  engineers. 
Dickenson  thinks  that  possibly  the  first  two  were  sug- 
gested by  Fulton.  The  subjoined  letter  to  "  Mr.  Ham- 
mond "  seems  to  contradict  this,  because  in  it  he 
complains  that  they  **  passed  judgment  "  (adversely) 
'*  without  even  desiring  to  have  the  details  of  operation." 


98     ROBERT  FULTON  AND  THE  SUBMARINE 

Had  two  of  the  five  members  been  representing  Fulton  it 
is  almost  certain  that  they  would  have  insisted  on  his  be- 
ing invited  to  be  present  to  explain  his  device.  As  it  was, 
all  they  had  were  certain  proposals  made  by  a  "  Mr. 
Francis. ' ' 

Storeys  Gate  coffeehouse  June  the  27th  1804 
Mr.  Hammond 

Sir 

I  have  examined  the  5  Articles  of  the  commission  they 
seem  to  admit  the  possibility  of  making  a  Submarine  Vessel 
but  they  conceive  it  impossible  to  use  it  to  Advantage,  hence 
recommend  that  it  Should  not  be  adopted, 

It  possibly  may  be  good  pohcy  in  government  not  to  adopt 
the  whole  of  my  system,  it  merits  however  their  serious  con- 
sideration whether  they  cannot  draw  great  advantage  from 
using  part  of  it  without  risque  to  themselves,  But  that  the 
whole  of  it  is  practicable  and  even  in  general  cases  easy  executed 
can  be  proved,  hence  I  am  somewhat  surprised  that  5  Gentle- 
men of  science  Should  pass  Judgement  on  a  work  which  rises 
out  of  the  progress  of  improving  Arts,  without  even  desiring 
to  have  the  details  of  Combination  or  operation,  without  hav- 
ing evidence  of  what  has  been  done;  and  Judging  from  thence 
what  maybe  done,  thereby  leaving  government  as  much  un- 
informed of  the  truth  and  probable  consequences  of  Submarine 
navigation  as  though  I  had  never  arrived;  this  is  not  the  in- 
terest of  Government  your  interest  is  to  know  the  whole  truth 
that  you  may  see,  clearly  what  maybe  hoped  or  calculated  upon 
from  this  discovery,  I  shall  be  happy  to  have  an  interview 
with  Mr.  Congreve,  Mr.  Cavendish  and  Sir  home  popham,  but 
I  can  say  little  more  to  those  gentlemen  than  endavour  to 
convince  them  that  the  true  Interest  of  Government,  is  to  go 
into  a  thorough  examination  in  order  to  arrive  at  truth;  which 
examination  I  will  put  on  the  most  liberal  and  honorable  terms, 
you  will  have  the  goodness  to  desire  a  meeting  as  soon  as 
possible 

I  have  the  honor  to  be  yours 
with  respect 

Robert  Francis 


EXPERIENCE   IN  ENGLAND  99 

The  suggestion  to  have  a  conference  with  Major 
Congreve,  Mr.  Cavendish  and  Sir  Home  Popham  was 
referred  to  Mr.  Pitt  and  was  objected  to  by  him,  as  is 
shown  by  a  memorandmn  among  Fulton's  papers: 

June  the  28th  1804 

Saw  Mr,  Hammond  this  morning  at  1  who  informed  me 
Mr.  Pitt  wished  me  to  see  the  whole  of  the  commission  least 
it  should  offend  Sir  Joseph  Banks  &  Mr.  Rennie,    Agreed 

If  Fulton  was  impatient  he  was  also  indefatigable. 
However  much  one  must  condemn  his  lack  of  tact,  one 
cannot  heli3  admiring  his  persistence.  He  wrote  not 
only  to  "  Mr.  Hammond,"  but  also  to  Sir  Home  Popham. 
In  spite  of  the  fault-finding  tone  of  Fulton's  letters,  he 
and  Sir  Home  Popham  apparently  remained  friendly 
to  the  very  end.  As  will  have  been  noticed,  it  was  the 
latter  who  witnessed  the  contract  and  perhaps  was  in- 
strumental in  arranging  for  its  execution.  When 
Fulton  found  that  the  commission  would  not  come  to- 
gether again,  he  wrote  to  Sir  Home  a  long  letter  under 
date  of  June  the  30th.  The  letter  is  too  long  to  quote 
fully  but  the  following  extracts  will  show  its  general 
nature : 

To  Sir  Home  Popham 

Sir 

Were  the  Gentlemen  who  reported  on  my  proposals  to 
meet  again  I  Should  have  addressed  them  as  a  commission. 
As  that  may  not  be  the  case  I  shall  be  happy  to 
have  some  conversation  with  you  on  the  subject  of  submarine 
navigation  

If  Gentlemen  were  Actuated  by  what  the  conceived  Patriotism 
in  rejecting  every  investigation  of  this  Subject  in  order  to  keep 
it  in  oblivion  as  much  as  possible  I  conceive  the  measure  not 
effectual,  what  has  been  proved  And  is  Supported  with  Energy, 
cannot  be  consealed  but  by  the  consent  of  the  Author;  but 
perhaps  this  was  not  the  motive,  for  deciding  without 
evidence   


100  ROBERT   FULTON   AND   THE   SUBMARINE 

Now  Sir  permit  me  to  make  some  observations  on  the  real 
patriotism  connected  with  this  business 

If  what  I  Say  of  submarine  navigation  and  attack  be  true, 
if  fleets  can  be  destroyed  by  this  means  without  any  human 
foresight  preventing  it;  is  it  not  important  that  Government 
should  Know  how  and  by  what  means,  if  on  investigation  you 
should  found  it  all  false  and  visionary  would  not  the  infirma- 
tion  be  pleasing  to  government  and  cost  nothing?  If  true  is 
not  the  wise  policy  to  take  amicable  measures  to  prevent  it 
doing  any  injury  to  this  country.  Suppose  the  decision  of  the 
commitee  should  necessitate  me  to  seek  fortune  else  where  by 
disclosing  my  system  it  might  fineally  appear  that  such  a  deci- 
sion was  the  most  unpatriotic  act  a  citizen  could  commit,  Sir 
I  give  you  my  honor  I  have  come  here  with  the  most  friendly 
disposition  towards  the  government  And  I  have  not  one 
sinister  feeling  the  interest  of  this  nation  is  not  to  adopt  the 
submarine  vessel  they  government  aught  to  know  what  it  is 
and  its  probable  consequences  

When  he  speaks  of  the  most  friendly  disposition 
towards  the  government,  it  is  interesting  and  perhaps 
amusing  to  recall  that  in  1798  he  wrote  to  Barras,  then 
the  guiding  spirit  of  the  Directorate,  urging  the  destruc- 
tion of  British  ships  of  war,  saying :  "  Le  commerce 
enorme  de  I'Angleterre,  ainsi  que  son  Gouvernement 
monstreux,  depend  de  sa  marine  militaire."  Times 
had  changed! 

To  "  Mr.  Hammond  "  he  wrote  begging  the  latter  to 
persuade  '*  Mr.  Pitt  to  name  one  person  in  wliome  lie 
has  full  confidence,  to  treat  or  arrange  with  me." 

Fulton  perhaps  felt  that  the  action  of  the  commission 
was  not  intended  to  be  final  and  therefore  it  was  for 
him  to  suggest  other  ways  for  passing  on  his  devices. 
If  so,  he  was  justified  by  the  fact  that  in  spite  of  the 
adverse  report  of  the  commission  of  which  Mr.  Pitt 
must  have  been  informed,  the  latter  accorded  Fulton  an 
interview  on  July  20th  at  which  Sir  Home  Popham,  who 
had  just  voted  against  the  submarine,  was  present.  An 
account  of  this  interview  Fulton  committed  to  paper. 


EXPERIENCE   IN  ENGLAND  101 

20th  of  July  1804 

Breakfasted  with  Mr.  Pitt  at  his  country  house  Near  Putny 
common,  Sir  Home  Popham  only  present  Lord  Melville  ex- 
pected but  did  not  arrive,  after  my  being  Introduced  Mr.  Pitt 
demanded  of  Sir  Home  if  he  and  Mr.  Francis  had  agree'd  on 
terms  Sir  Home  replied  in  the  affirmative  and  told  Mr.  Pitt 
his  perusal  and  Signature  were  only  wanting,  he  then  read 
and  Signed  the  papers,  delivering  them  to  Sir  Home,  witti 
orders  to  call  on  Lord  Melville  for  his  signature,. 

At  Breakfast  some  general  principles  of  SubmajJa^  naviga- 
tion and  mode  of  attack  explained,  which  appeared  to  give 
pleasure;  and  make  a  Strong  impression.  When  Sir  Home 
Popham  went  into  an  ajoining  Room,  Mr.  Pitt,  remarked  that 
this  is  an  extreordinary  invention  which  seemed  to  go  to  the 
distruction  of  all  fleets;  I  replied  that  It  was  invented  With 
that  View,  And  as  I  had  no  design  to  desceive  him  or  the 
government  I  did  not  hesitate  to  give  it  as  my  opinion  that 
this  invention  would  lead  to  the  total  annihilation  of  the  existing 
System  of  Marine  war. 

But  in  its  present  state  of  perfectionment  Said  Mr.  Pitt  those 
who  command  the  seas  will  be  benefited  by  it  while  the  minor 
maritime  powers  can  draw  no  advantag  from  what  is  Now 
known.  Answer,  true  unless  plunging  or  submarine  Vessels 
were  introduced  into  practice;  that  it  probably  would  be  some 
years  before  any  nation  could  bring  to  perfection  such  a  Vessel, 
that  it  is  not  the  interest  of  the  British  government  to  use 
such  Vessels  that  consequently  there  was  not  at  present  much 
danger  to  be  apprehended  from  that  part  of  my  System;  at 
all  events  there  would  be,  time  to  fit  future  politics  to  future 
circumstances,  if  at  present  the  french  preperations  can  be  de- 
stroyed by  Submarine  attack,  it  will  convince  Bonapart  and 
the  whole  world  that  frenchmen  never  can  make  a  descent  on 
England  for  any  future  fleet  prepared  by  them  may  be  burnt 
in  like  manner  — 

Little  more  passed  it  was  agree'd  to  make  the  Submarine 
attack  on  Boulogne  as  soon  as  the  engines  could  be  prepared, 
returned  to  town  with  an  appointment  to  meet  at  the  same 
place  on  the  following  Week, 

From  the  above  it  will  be  seen  that  Fulton  and  Sir 
Home  had  come  to  an  agreement  between  June  30,  the 
date  of  Fulton's  letter,  and  July  20. 


102  ROBERT   FULTON   AND   THE   SUBMARINE 

While  at  work  on  his  submarine  he  did  not  permit 
his  political  ardor  to  cool.  He  has  left  a  copy  of  a 
letter  about  2600  words  in  length  written  "  to  the  right 
Honorable  Lord  Viscount  Melville,"  dated  London, 
Jany  the  20th,  1805,  giving  his  "  Observations  on  Bona- 
parte's pacific  Communications,"  This  long  letter  is  in 
the  flamboyant  style  that  Fulton  used  when  writing  on 
political  topics.  After  dilating  upon  economies  that 
would  flow 'from  peace  and  how  such  savings  from  war 
disbursements  might  be  turned  to  establishing  canals, 
iron  works,  manufactures  and  improving  agriculture,  he 
speaks  of  Napoleon: 

Humanity  would  commend  the  Man,  who  turned  his  talents 
to  such  usefull  works  provided  he  should  use  the  fruits  of  it 
humainly,  but  it  is  a  question  whether,  Bonaparte  would  do 
So,  his  insatiable  ambition  and  extravagant  Ideas,  do  not  war- 
rent  so  much  confidence  in  him,  Raised  from  nothing  by  military 
talents  and  a  combination  of  extriordinary  events,  he  is  intoxi- 
cated with  success,  adulation  has  become  his  daily  food  as 
necessary  to  his  happiness  as  high  seasoning  to  a  vitiated  appe- 
tite, his  mind  is  perpetually  working  on  schemes,  which  he 
thinks  will  give  great  Eclat,  he  seeks  to  be  ranked  by  the 
future  historian  above  Ceasar  and  Charlemagne,  his  principle 
is  that  future  ages,  never  take  into  consideration  the  miseries 
which  accompany  war,  they  only  listen  to  the  brilliant  actions 
of  the  Chief  


Chapter  VIII 
NEGOTIATIONS   WITH   CABINET 

Fulton  begins  to  have  doubts  of  accomplishment  (1805).  Corre- 
spondence with  Mr.  Pitt  and  Lord  Castlereagh  reciting  his  contract, 
rights  and  claims.  Pitt  dies  (Jan.,  1806)  and  Fulton  begins  anew  with 
Lord  Grenville  and  Lord  Howick. 

By  midsummer  of  1805,  Fulton  was  not  making  the 
progress  that  he  had  expected,  and  again  we  find  him 
writing  letters  that  could  not  have  been  helpful  in 
advancing  his  cause. 

Sackville  Street  Piccadilly  No  13 
July  the  18th  1805 
To  the  Right  Honorable  William  Pitt 

Sir 

I  have  waited  till  you  were  releeved  from  the  fateague  of 
attending  Parliament  before  I  would  urge  you  on  my  particular 
business,  on  which  I  have  written  to  Lord  Barham  twice  with- 
out an  answer,  which  with  other  circumstances  have  led  me 
to  believe  that  government  do  not  intend  to  prosecute  my 
system  of  attack  Whatever  may  be  their  decision  it  is  inter- 
esting for  me  to  know  it  As  I  have  other  and  previous  engage- 
ments of  much  magnitude  which  call  for  my  attention,  and 
do  not  warrant  my  loosing  time;  hence  I  hope  you  will  have 
the  goodness  to  mention  an  hour  when  I  may  have  the  honor 
to  wait  on  you  that  a  plan  of  Acting  may  be  arranged  or  the 
business  as  relates  to  me  put  into  such  a  train  as  to  be  speedily 
and  finally  setteled 

I  have  made  the  machines  and  exhibited  to  Sir  Home  Popham 
all  that  I  know  of  them;  the  mode  of  using  them  and  their 
effects,  and  if  it  is  thought  proper  to  use  them;  it  can  be  done 
as  well  without  my  aid  as  with  it  As  to  the  submarine  Vessel 
my  opinion  ever  has  been  that  it  would  not  be  good  poUcy 
in  this  government  to  introduce  it  into  practice,  consequently 
you  will  not  want  me  to  construct  one,    But  I  have  all  the 

103 


104  ROBERT   FULTON   AND   THE   SUBMARINE 

drawings  to  Shew  that  everything  which  has  been  said  of  it  is 
practicable  and  which  drawings  according  to  contract,  are  to 
be  delivered  to  such  persons  as  you  may  think  proper  to  name 
Under  these  circumstances  I  wish  to  sail  for  America  about 
the  first  of  September,  I  Shall  therefore  hope  that  you  will 
have  the  goodness,  to  appoint  an  early  hour  when  I  may  have 
the  honor  to  wait  on  you 

I  have  the  honor  to  be  your  most 

Obedient    Robt  Francis 

Before  the  year  was  finished  the  tone  of  his  letters 
became  more  bitter.  He  was  no  longer  giving  the 
government  advice  upon  how  they  were  to  treat  Bona- 
parte, but  was  deeply  engaged  in  fighting  for  what  he 
considered  his  own  rights.  The  stilted  style  gave  place 
to  a  more  simple  and  direct  form,  in  which  he  made 
no  attempt  to  disguise  his  irritation  as  is  shown  by  two 
letters  written  to  Lord  Castlereagh: 

London 
Ibbotsons  hotel  Vere  Street  Oxford  Road 
December  13th  1805 
Lord  Viscount  Castlereagh 
My  Lord 

I  have  the  honor  to  send  you  reflections  without  disguise 
with  what  I  conceive  a  fair  and  honorable  proposal  for  a  final 
settlement  with  government  you  will  have  the  goodness  to 
consider  them  and  let  me  have  the  honor  of  your  decision  as 
soon  as  possible 

With  all  respects  I  have  the  honor 
to  be  your  Lordships  most  Obedient 

RoBT  Francis  — 

London  December  the  13th  1805 
Lord  Viscount  Castlereagh 
My  Lord 

At  various  times  I  have  been  necessitated  to  say  much  on 
the  importance  of  forming  the  Submarine  mode  of  warfare 
into  a  regular  and  permanent  System,  As  there  is  now  full  proof 
of  the  powerful  effects  of  the  carcasses,  and  the  great  execution 


NEGOTIATIONS  WITH   CABINET  105 

which  maybe  done  with  them,  a  well  organized  mode  of  acting 
should  be  adopted, 

System  in  this  business  is  the  true  and  best  Interest  of  govern- 
ment, I  must  also  beg  leave  to  state  that  in  System,  I  have  a 
great  and  important  Interest,  for  without  it  there  is  little  hope 
of  my  acquiring  the  emolument  from  my  invention  which  I 
have  a  right  to  expect, 

When  I  discovered  this  mode  of  destroying  ships  of  war,  I 
considered  it  as  the  basis  of  an  ample  fortune.  And  every  ex- 
periment I  have  made  has  confirmed  me  in  my  opinion  of  its 
immense  importance,  and  my  high  interest  In  it.  Therefore 
while  I  frankly  give  you  my  opinion  on  what  I  conceive  the 
best  interest  of  government  I  must  be  excused  if  I  begin  to 
insist  on  what  I  conceive  my  personal  rights 

Lord  Melville  with  whome  I  contracted  was  Very  friendly 
to  my  enterprise  and  I  have  now  no  doubt  would  have  wrought 
it  into  a  form  to  produce  the  greatest  possible  effect.  Since  his 
leaving  the  Admiralty  I  have  waited  from  month  to  month, 
hoping  Lord  Barham  would  follow  Lord  Melvilles  measures, 
but  I  have  reason  to  beheve  he  disapproves  of  the  whole  plan 
or  is  indifferent  to  it  which  is  the  same  thing  in  effect,  how- 
ever as  to  my  private  Interest  and  the  situation  In  which  I 
Stand  In  this  country  I  consider  that  of  little  consequence, 
though  it  may  be  of  some  importance  to  the  nation. 

My  contract  states  a  certain  reward  for  every  Vessel  of  an 
enemy  which  shall  be  destroyed  by  my  engines  in  14  years 
and  His  Majesty's  Dockyards  and  Arsenals  are  to  furnish  me 
the  necessary  means  of  applying  the  carcasses  to  the  destruction 
of  the  enemy  hence  if  they  do  not  give  me  reasonable  and 
efficient  means,  government  do  not  fulfill  their  part  of  the  con- 
tract, the  enemy  cannot  be  attacked  nor  destroyed  however 
good' and  simple  the  engines  may  be,  and  my  time  is  consumed 
to  no  purpose; 

As  a  Neutral  in  this  country  I  cannot  have  a  command  so 
as  to  direct  my  own  enterprise,  nor  do  I  desire  it  nor  have  I  a 
right  to  press  my  plans  and  opinions  on  the  Admiralty,  but 
I  have  a  right  to  convert  the  result  of  my  studies  to  my  own 
emolument  And  having  demonstrated  their  certain  effects  to 
the  conviction  of  every  reflecting  mind  I  cannot  undertake  to 
contend  with  opinions  or  prejudices  nor  wait  the  indeterminate 
time  which  maybe  necessary  to  produce  a  conviction  of  their 
utility  to  this  country,     I  must  therefore  in  justice  to  myself 


106         ROBERT   FULTON   AND   THE   SUBMARINE 

and  in  conformity  to  all  my  engagements  with  this  govern- 
ment beg  leave  to  state  my  final  resolution,  The  Submarine 
mode  of  warfare  must  be  organized  so  as  to  render  it  effecient, 
or  I  must  abandon  it  and  direct  my  attention  to  other  pursuits 
equally  Interesting  to  me,  The  principles  on  which  I  came  to 
this  country  were  changed  from  the  first  week  of  my  arrival 
I  came  by  the  invitation  of  Lord  Hawkesbury  to  satisfy  min- 
isters as  to  the  truth  of  whether  I  had  or  had  not  invented 
a  destructive  engine  which  might  be  wielded,  either  for  or 
against  the  fleets  of  this  country,  and  on  proving  that  the  en- 
gine has  powers  superior  to  the  methods  at  present  in  practice, 
I  was  to  receive  an  adequate  reward,  leaving  government  to 
use  or  bury  the  invention  in  oblivion  as  they  might  think  proper, 

After  what  has  been  done  I  hope  that  the  power  of  the  car- 
casses, and  the  certain  annihilation  which  must  be  the  conse- 
quence of  their  right  application  will  not  be  doubted,  arrange- 
ment and  ordinary  courage  are  only  wanting  to  produce  the 
most  brilliant  success,  and  were  it  prosecuted  according  to  the 
terms  of  my  contract,  I  should  acquire  an  immense  fortune, 
the  destruction  of  30  Ships  of  the  enemies  line  would  entitle 
me  to  half  their  Value  or  more  than  a  Million  Sterling,  hence 
were  the  System  pursued  to  the  annihilation  of  the  enemies 
fleets,  and  it  should  be  practised  to  their  annihilation  or  aban- 
doned such  would  be  my  reward,  but  I  have  no  such  Ambitious 
Views,  tranquility  and  a  much  less  sum  will  content  me 

I  have  now  directed  the  construction  of  a  store  of  engines, 
shewn  their  incalculable  effects  and  the  simple  mode  of  using 
them,  arrangement  time  and  perseverance  are  only  necessary 
to  destroy  every  Ship  of  the  Enemy,  but  as  in  this  part  of  the 
business  I  can  be  of  no  use  I  do  not  at  present  see  that  I  can 
be  of  any  further  material  service  In  this  system  of  warfare, 

I  therefore  propose  as  the  most  equitable  arrangement  be- 
tween his  Majesty's  Ministers  and  me  to  revert  to  the  prin- 
ciples which  brought  me  to  this  country  and  finally  settle  with 
them, 

Before  I  came  to  this  country  Ministers  were  desirous  of 
knowing  whether  my  invention  was  of  a  kind  to  be  feared  this 
has  been  proved  in  the  affermetive,  they  have  possessed  them- 
selves of  it,  may  use  it  as  they  think  proper  and  Averted  all 
danger  which  might  be  apprehended  this  consideration  alone 
is  suffecient  to  justify  ministers  in  granting  me  the  terms 
which  I  shall  propose  and  which  being  small  compared,  with 


NEGOTIATIONS   WITH   CABINET  107 

the  prospect  of  emolument  before  me  will  be  infinately  better 
terms  for  the  nation  than  my  existing  contract 

My  Lord  in  making  this  statement  I  beg  you  to  be  assured 
that  I  am  nowise  discontented,  with  what  has  passed  nor  with 
the  time  lost,  It  has  been  caused  by  the  natural  Suit  of  Idea 
and  demonstration  necessary  to  open  the  mind  to  a  new  subject. 
And  although  I  feel  a  high  sense  of  my  independence  of  the 
immense  and  incalculable  consequences  of  my  discovery,  of 
the  right  which  I  have  to  dispose  of  it  as  I  think  proper  and 
convert  it  to  my  own  emolument  or  Ambition,  In  doing  which 
I  might  change  the  whole  politics  of  this  country  and  even 
Europe  *  yet  on  a  fair  and  honorable  arrangement  with  this 
government  there  is  nothing  to  be  feared  from  me,  I  am  per- 
fectly satisfied  with  the  conduct  of  Lord  Melville  Mr.  Pitt  and 
your  Lordship  but  Seeing  that  you  have  prejudices  to  combat 
and  many  diflBculties  to  encounter,  feeling  also  that  I  can  be 
of  no  further  use,  and  having  other  and  previous  engagements 
which  I  must  In  honor  fulfill  I  wish  a  final  and  equitable  settle- 
ment and  on  this  business  I  beg  to  have  the  honor  of  seeing 
your  Lordship  and  Mr.  Pitt  as  soon  as  possible, 

I  have  the  honor  to  be  your 
Lordships  most  Obedient 

RoBT.  Francis 

*  This  will  appear  strong  and  extraordinary  assertion  for  a 
simple  individual,  but  if  necessary  I  will  prove  such  to  be  the 
natural  consequence  of  the  invention  if  prosecuted  to  the  extent 
of  its  powers  with  the  means  which  I  possess.  I  alude  to  the 
Submarine  boat  or  Vessel 

The  following  are  the  terms  I  propose  the  Sum  and  Conditions 
are  Similar  to  those  Specified  in  my  letters  sent  by  the  agent 
of  government  from  paris  to  Lord  Hawkesbury 

Terms 

That  for  leaving  France  and  coming  to  England  I  Should 
receeive  ten  thousand  pounds 

That  for  clearly  demonstrating  that  Ships  of  war  can  be 
destroyed  by  my  engines  with  more  ease  and  less  risque  than 
by  any  method  now  in  practice  I  demanded  th  Value  of  one 
first  rate  line  of  battle  Ship  or  one  hundred  thousand  pounds 


108  ROBERT   FULTON   AND   THE   SUBMARINE 

With  this  demand  the  following  Ideas  were  associated,  First 
that  I  Should  not  exersise  or  be  the  cause  of  exersising  this 
invention  against  the  fleets  of  great  Britain,  Second  that  by 
not  Shewing  the  Mechanism  of  the  Submarine  boat  and  adopt- 
ing only  a  part  of  my  plan,  this  government  might  draw  advan- 
tage from  it  Government  can  now  Judge  whether  it  is  im- 
portant that  I  should  never  be  the  means  of  using  this  invention 
against  the  British  marine  whether  it  is  their  interest  to  grant 
these  my  original  terms  and  whether  this  proposal  is  extrava- 
gant considering  the  demonstrations  I  have  made  and  the  power 
I  possess  to  render  my  invention  Infinately  more  productive, 
In  this  proposal  as  it  Stands  I  See  that  Ministers  Will  have 
one  difficulty  which  is  a  Security  that  I  Shall  not  be  induced 
to  use  this  invention  against  the  british  fleets  after  having  re- 
ceeived  the  sum  Specified,  there  is  but  one  way  to  give  such 
security  that  is  to  put  it  in  my  power  and  make  it  my  interest 
to  remain  tranquil  or  occupy  myself  in  other  pursuits  equally 
honorable  and  important  to  my  country  for  this  purpose  I  pro- 
pose to  receive  Sixty  thousand  pounds  and  my  present  Salary 
of  two  thousand  four  hundred  pounds  per  annum  for  life,  the 
Annuity  to  be  forfeited  if  I  break  the  treaty  —  I  have  already 
receeved  ten  thousand  to  be  considered  part  of  the  above  Sum, 

My  Lord  I  conceive  this  proposition  fair  you  have  the  In- 
terest of  England  to  consider  I  have  my  own,  I  love  tranquility 
and  science  in  my  chamber,  As  a  man  of  honor  my  principle 
Is  to  fulfill  my  part  of  all  my  engagements  before  writing  this 
letter  I  have  well  considered  the  subject  on  all  its  bearings 
and  made  up  my  mind  to  the  general  principles  here  proposed 

And  I  assure  you  that  great  as  this  demand  may  appear  to 
be  I  am  not  much  interested  in  its  success,  for  by  agreeing  to 
let  my  invention  lie  dormant  I  feel  that  I  abandon  a  Subject 
in  which  there  is  the  most  Philosophic  and  honorable  fame  and 
perhaps  the  interest  of  my  country  which  is  dearer  to  me  than 
all  considerations  of  wealth.  However  I  hope  America  And 
England  will  so  well  understand  their  Mutual  Interest,  that 
it  will  not  be  necessary  for  me  to  introduce  my  Invention  into 
practice  for  our  own  defence  And  I  have  no  desire  to  use  it 
to  the  Advantage  of  any  other  Nation 

I  am  Sir  &  &  & 

R  Fulton 


NEGOTIATIONS  WITH   CABINET  109 

Fulton  was  not  content  to  submit  his  demands  to  Lord 
Castlereagh  only,  but  as  on  other  occasions  he  went  over 
the  head  of  his  correspondent  and  appealed  to  higher 
authority.  In  this  case  he  forwarded  a  copy  of  the 
letter  with  some  additional  thoughts  to  the  Prime 
Minister,  Mr.  Pitt: 

London  Jany  6th  1806 
Mr.  Pitt 

Sir 
That  you  may  have  an  opportunity  before  you  come  to 
Town,  to  Judge  of  what  I  conceive  my  rights  And  the  govern- 
ments Interest,  I  have  taken  the  liberty  to  send  you  a  Copy 
of  my  letter  to  Lord  Castlereagh  you  will  no  doubt  at  the  first 
thought  consider  my  demand  great,  but  there  is  one  reflection 
which  Usually  accompanies  all  negotiations,  whether  between 
Nations  or  Individuals,  that  is  the  power  which  each  possess 
to  support  certain  claims.  Now  in  this  business  I  wiU  not 
disguise  that  I  feel  the  power  which  I  possess  which  is  no  less 
than  to  be  the  means  if  I  think  proper  of  giving  to  the  world 
a  System  which  must  from  necessity  sweep  all  military  marines 
from  the  ocean,  by  giving  to  the  weaker  maritime  powers  Ad- 
vantages over  the  stronger  which  the  Strong  cannot  prevent, 
this  power  I  felt  before  and  when  I  came  to  this  country  but 
I  did  not  think  right  to  insist  upon  it  nor  could  I  expect  min- 
isters to  believe  it  till  I  had  given  them  sufficient  demonstra- 
tion This  is  a  power  which  is  not  possessed  by  even  Bonapart, 
It  is  concentered  in  me  and  two  friends  who  are  governed  by 
my  success  in  this  country 

Hence  on  Such  power  I  have  a  right  to  set  what  price  I  think 
proper,  but  I  hope  I  am  not  of  a  disposition  to  abuse  the  ad- 
vantages which  the  Arts  have  given  me  either  by  unreasonable 
demands  or  any  illiberal  act.  In  my  present  terms  I  have  not 
raised  the  Sum  first  proposal  to  Lord  Hawkesbury;  And  It  must 
be  observed,  I  did  not  come  here  so  much  with  a  View  to  do 
you  any  material  good  as  to  Shew  that  I  had  the  power  and 
might  in  the  exersise  of  my  plan  to  acquire  fortune,  do  you  an 
Infinate  Injury,  which  Ministers  if  they  thought  proper  might 
prevent  by  an  arrangement  with  me,  — 

I  did  however  Zealously  attempt  to  be  of  Service,  I  have 
proved  that  Infinate  good  or  Injury  may  be  done.    I  have 


no    ROBERT  FULTON  AND  THE  SUBMARINE 

written  to  Lord  Barham  two  letters  without  receiving  any 
Answer.  I  can  easy  conceive  he  has  not  had  time  to  consider 
the  position  in  which  I  Stand  nor  my  Invention  in  all  its  con- 
sequences and  might  not  think  An  Answer  of  any  importance, 
However  it  is  time  that  he  Should  See  it  in  all  its  consequences 
and  Judge  of  the  propriety  of  a  fair  and  honorable  arrangement 
with  me, 

Although  Sir  you  will  be  overwhelmed  with  business  on  your 
coming  to  Town  yet  I  hope  you  will  not  let  this  escape  your 
memory 

I  have  the  honor  to  be  your  most 
Obedient  and  Very  humble  servant 

Robert  Francis 
The  Right  Honbl 
William  Pitt    Bath 

The  letter  to  Lord  Castlereagh  is  in  the  best  form  of 
any  of  Fulton's  communications  to  the  government  in 
spite  of  the  thinly  veiled  suggestion  of  a  threat  in  the 
closing  lines,  but  Lord  Castlereagh  must  have  been 
amused  to  learn  that  the  foreign  inventor,  then  without 
fame  or  position,  was  "  perfectly  satisfied  with  the  con- 
duct of  Lord  Melville,  Mr.  Pitt  and  your  Lordship." 
He,  whose  conduct  was  approved  and  from  whose  deci- 
sion Fulton  practically  appealed  in  advance  without  time 
being  given  to  render  it,  was  a  most  important  character 
in  British  politics  at  that  time. 

Lord  Castlereagh  lived  between  1769  and  1822.  He 
was  the  son  of  the  Earl  of  Londonderry,  and  as  his 
father  was  still  living  during  the  period  under  con- 
sideration, the  son  was  known  by  the  courtesy  title  of 
Viscount  Castlereagh.  Instrumental  in  securing  the 
union  with  Ireland  he  forfeited  the  King's  support  by 
urging  emancipation  for  Koman  Catholics,  and  to  such 
an  extent  that  the  resignation  of  the  Pitt  government 
was  forced.  Castlereagh  accepted  a  position  in  the  new 
cabinet  and  on  Pitt's  return  to  power  in  May,  1804,  con- 
tinued in  office,  and  in  1805  became  Secretary  for  War. 


NEGOTIATIONS   WITH   CABINET  111 

It  was  to  that  official,  therefore,  that  Fulton  wrote  the 

above  letters. 

On  the  23rd  of  January,  1806,  Pitt  died  and  was  suc- 
ceeded in  office  by  Lord  Grenville.  This  necessitated 
new  approaches  by  Fulton.  Charles  Grey  became  First 
Lord  of  the  Admiralty  in  the  ministry  then  formed. 
His  father.  Sir  Charles  Grey  of  Howick,  had  served 
as  a  British  General  in  America  during  the  revolution 
and  was  raised  to  the  peerage  as  Lord  Grey  of  Howick 
in  1801.  In  April,  1806,  he  was  created  Earl  Grey,  when 
his  son  adopted  the  courtesy  title  of  Lord  Howick. 
Fulton's  letters,  therefore,  to  Mr.  Gray  (misspelled  for 
Grey)  and  to  Lord  Howick  are  to  the  same  person. 

During  February,  Fulton  recommenced  his  efforts  for 
a  settlement  by  writing  Mr.  Grey.  At  the  same  time  he 
enclosed  copies  of  letters  previously  sent  to  Mr.  Pitt, 
assuming  that  Mr.  Grey,  being  new  to  the  office,  it  was 
necessary  to  acquaint  him  with  what  had  gone  before. 

Ibbotsons  Hotel  Vere  Street  Oxford 
Road  Feby  22d  1806 

Mr  Gray 

Sir 

In  my  letters  to  Mr.  Pitt  the  copies  of  which  I  had  the 
honor  to  present  you  there  are  some  Assertions  on  the  powers 
of  submarine  attack  which  men  in  general  will  be  inclined  to 
doubt,  few  men  will  believe  that  any  plan  can  be  carried  to 
Such  perfection  as  totally  to  annihilate  the  present  system  of 
Mihtary  marines  and  maritime  war.  And  I  presume  most 
men  in  my  Situation  would  endavour  to  conseal  this  part  of 
the  Business  from  every  member  of  a  Government  the  conse- 
quence of  which  depends  on  her  marine. 

But  as  I  have  been  invited  to  this  country  to  give  Ministers 
full  information  on  the  nature  and  powers  of  submarine  At- 
tack, I  have  been  disposed  from  the  first  candidly  to  explain 
every  principle  and  mode  of  practice  which  Occured  to  me  on 
the  subject.  And  then  leave  Ministers  to  Judge  for  themselves 
Whether  fleets  can  be  destroyed  by  my  means,  and  how  much 
of  my  System  they  may  practice  with  safety,  or  what  part  of 


112  ROBERT   FULTON   AND   THE   SUBMARINE 

it  conseal  from  public  knowledge  I  therefore  conceive  it  the 
most  prudent  and  prompt  measure,  first  to  go  into  a  full  and 
Satisfactory  examination  of  the  principles  of  Submarine  navi- 
gation and  attack,  their  practicability  and  consequences  and 
from  such  investigation  judge  of  what  this  nation  has  to  hope 
or  fear  from  the  System;  and  on  what  ground  I  found  my 
Claims;  such  a  mode  of  proceeding  will  place  this  Subject  clear 
before  the  mind  I  therefore  Advise  that  you  will  have  the 
goodness  to  Invite  such  of  your  friends  as  you  conceived  best 
acquainted  with  Mathematical  and  Physical  Subjects  I  will 
meet  them  and  explain  the  whole  Machinery  and  mode  of 
operating  and  from  their  decision  ministers  can  Judge  how  to 
Act  This  I  conceive  necessary  for  every  reason,  first  to  Obtain 
a  clear  knowledge  of  facts;  Second  to  Judge  of  the  policy  of 
practicing  my  System;  and  third  whether  My  deamnds  are 
reasonable;  and  which  demand,  I  presume  must  be  setteled 
by  the  privy  council  — 

To  go  into  the  investigation  it  is  not  Necessary  to  have  Many 
persons  3  or  4  will  be  Suffecient  for  the  less  number  who  be- 
come acquainted  with  the  Mechanism  of  the  submarine  Vessel, 
the  less  it  will  be  talked  of  or  become  publicly  known, 

I  hope  Sir  you  will  form  such  a  committee  as  soon  as  possible 
and  when  formed  favor  me  with  a  line, — 

I  have  the  honor  to  be  your 
Most  Obedient  and  Very 
humble  servant 

RoBT  Fulton 

P.  S.     Would  not  Lord  Sidmouth  Lord  St.  Vincent,  Mr.  Wind- 
ham and  Yourself  Sufl&ce  for  the  investigation? 

The  Right  Honorable 
Charles  Gray 

First  Lord  of  the  Admiralty 
&  &  & 

The  duties  of  new  office  probably  occupied  Mr.  Grey's 
time  to  the  exclusion  of  coming  to  a  settlement  with 
Fulton.    At  any  rate  the  latter  writes  again: 


NEGOTIATIONS   WITH    CABINET  113 

March  the  17th  1806 
Mr.  Gray 
Sir 

After  the  Various  changes  of  Ministers  and  Measures  which 
have  kept  me  in  this  country  for  near  two  years  and  the  time 
fast  approaching  when  I  must  Absolutely  sail  for  America  you 
will  excuse  me  for  Urging  that  my  arrangements  with  this  gov- 
ernment may  be  finally  Setteled.  In  the  copies  of  my  letters 
to  Mr.  Pitt  which  I  had  the  honor  to  present  you  my  Ideas  of 
the  powers  and  Consequences  of  Submarine  navigation  and 
Attack  are  fully  explained  and  without  disguise  the  question 
therefore  between  government  and  me  appears  to  be  Simply 
this  have  I  proved  Sufficient  to  merit  the  40,000  mentioned  in 
the  contract?  if  there  be  Still  doubts  on  this  point  it  is  Stipu- 
lated to  be  setteled  by  arbitration  this  is  Justice  founded  on 
the  contract,  but  added  to  this  Is  it  not  the  Interest  of  govern- 
ment to  finally  settle  with  me  and  then  use  my  mode  of  attack 
as  they  think  proper,?  I  beg  you  will  have  the  goodness  to 
mention  an  early  hour  when  we  may  have  a  conversation  on 
this  subject  and  fix  a  plan  for  a  just  honorable  and  prompt 
Settlement,  let  it  be  morning  or  evening  or  any  period  most 
convenient  to  you  when  there  may  be  suffeceent  time  for  ample 
Explanations, 

I  am  & 

R  Fulton, 

Fulton 's  impatience  always  inclined  him  to  correspond 
simultaneously  with  more  than  one  official,  and  particu- 
larly so  if  thereby  he  could  reach  one  higher  in  authority. 
Although  his  negotiations  begun  through  Lord  Howick 
were  apparently  proceeding  satisfactorily,  he  forestalled 
a  submission  by  the  latter  to  Lord  Grenville  by  writing 
to  the  latter  himself.  As  this  letter  gives  a  review  of 
Fulton's  claims  and  forms  the  basis  for  arbitrators  who 
were  subsequently  appointed,  it  is  of  peculiar  interest. 


Chapter  IX 
FUETHER   CORRESPONDENCE 

Demand     for     arbitrators.        Further     correspondence     with     Lords 
Grenville   and   Howick. 

London  May  the  5th  1806 
To  the  Right  Honorable 

Lord  Grenville 
My  Lord 

Lord  Howick  will  have  a  conversation  with  your  Lord- 
ship on  the  mode  of  finally  setteling  with  me,  As  the  papers 
which  I  have  from  time  to  time  written  to  Successive  Ministers 
and  to  his  Lordship  may  not  be  at  hand  at  the  time  of  such 
conversation,  And  as  a  right  understanding  of  submarine  Navi- 
gation with  all  its  probable  consequences  Is  I  conceive  of  much 
importance  to  this  government  I  beg  your  Lordships  atten- 
tion to  the  following  observations  which  shall  be  as  concise  as 
possible,  And  I  hope  it  will  be  admitted  by  your  Lordship 
that  whatever  may  be  the  effect  of  any  Scientific  discovery 
on  the  interest  or  politics  of  this  country,  It  is  better  his 
Majesty's  Ministers  should  be  acquainted  with  it  than  remain 
uninformed,  And  I  conceive  Investigation  the  more  necessary 
when  it  is  considered  that  discoveries  in  the  Sciences  have  from 
age  to  age  changed  the  whole  art  of  war  and  the  politics  of 
nations  That  being  slow  in  the  operation  their  consequences 
cannot  be  traced  by  ordinary  men,  who  being  creatures  of  habit 
and  Guided  by  existing  things  consider  new  discoveries  as 
Visionary  or  trivial  Such  were  the  Ideas  of  the  Inventions  of 
printing,  gunpowder  and  the  Mariners  Compass  had  their 
authors  Shown  their  consequences  they  would  not  have  been 
believed  by  their  Contemporaries 

So  my  Lord  when  I  say  that  I  have  discovered  a  mode  of 
attacking  Ships  of  war  which  if  prosicuted  to  its  Ultimate  powers 
and  rendered  fameliar  to  all  nations  must  from  necessity  de- 
stroy the  existing  system  of  military  marines  and  alter  the  whole 
politics  of  Europe  I  do  not  expect  to  be  believed  by  any  but 
men  of  penitrating  Judgement  and  Sound  Sense  nor  do  I  ex- 

114 


FURTHER   CORRESPONDENCE  115 

pect  them  to  believe  me  untill  they  have  see  the  whole  of  the 
engines  and  had  ample  proof  of  the  simple  mode  of  using  them 
and  their  certain  destructive  effects     Now  my  Lord  if  this  be 
a  truth  it  is  certainly  important  to  know  it,  if  it  be  false  the 
conviction  that  it  is  so  will  be  equally  important  for  then  there 
will  be  nothing  to  guard  against,  hence  to  place  this  Subject 
in  its  true  light  I  have  proposed  to  Lord  Howick  to  form  a 
committee    compossed    of    Your    Lordship    Lord    Moria    Lord 
Sydmouth  Lord  Erskin  Mr  Fox  Mr.  Windham  Sir  george  Shee 
and  Alexander  Davison  Esqr.  the  members  of  this  committee 
are  all  friends  to  government  to  them  I  will  exhibit  all  the 
machinery  and  modes  of  using  it  and  Reasoning  from  Experi- 
ments already  made  endavour  to  Shew  what  may  he  done  leav- 
ing to  the  committee  to  Judge  whether  my  preceding  assertion 
is  true    And  for  Such  communications  I  make  no  demand,  but 
Should  the  committee  find  my  assertion  supported  by  facts 
It  will  be  acknowledged  that  I  have  a  high  Interest  in  this 
produce  of  my  own  mind  and  that  I  have  a  right  to  prosecute 
it  to  the  acquirement  of  fortune  or  fame,  I  have  mentioned 
to  Lord  Howick  my  Views  on  fortune,  the  committee  will  Judge 
whether  it  be  the  interest  of  government  to  acceed  to  my  pro- 
posal and  whether  the  terms  Specified  are  the  best  security 
which  I  can  give  that  this  subject  shall  not  be  further  prosi- 
cuted  by  me    My  Lord  I  beg  you  to  be  Assured  that  I  have 
every  disposition   to  act   in   the  most   liberal   and  honorable 
manner  towards  this  government    At  the  Same  time  I  must 
Acknowledge  that  I  never  will  abandon  my  private  interest 
Till  satisfied  by  specific  Stipulations  and  I  hope  my  Lord  that 
this  fair  proposal  to  investigate  all  the  principles  and  this  un- 
disguised mode  of  Acting  will  inspire  your  Lordship  and  Every 
member  of  the  committee  with  a  confidence  that  what  I  agree 
to  Shall  be  scrupeleusly  and  honorably  adheared  to.     Should 
your  Lordship  require  any  private  conversations  on  this  sub- 
ject I  shall  be  happy  to  wait  on  you  at  an  appointed  hour. 

I  am  my  Lord  your  Lordships 
Most  obedient  and  Very  humble 
Servant 

Robert  Fulton 

P.  S.  Just  as  I  was  finishing  this  letter  I  was  informed  by 
Mr.  Tucker  that  Lord  Howick  and  your  Lordship  had  decided 
not  to  have  any  thing  to  do  with  the  submarine  boat    My  Lord 


116  ROBERT   FULTON   AND   THE   SUBMARINE 

I  never  wished  this  government  to  introduce  such  boats  into 
practice  But  it  is  Stipulated  in  my  contract  that  if  for  any 
reason  government  do  not  think  proper  to  practice  my  mode 
of  war  Arbitrators  Shall  be  appointed  and  if  it  appears  to  the 
majority  that  enemies  Vessels  can  be  Destroyed  by  my  means 
at  less  expence  and  Risque  than  by  any  method  now  in  practice 
I  shall  receive  40,000  £  hence  as  the  Submarine  boat  makes 
part  of  my  System  it  must  come  under  the  consideration  of  the 
arbitrators. 

Previous  publications  dealing  with  this  portion  of 
Fulton's  career  have  inclined  to  the  view  that  considera- 
tion of  his  plan  for  a  submarine  boat  had  been  discarded 
soon  after  he  came  to  England.  From  the  postscript 
to  the  above  letter  it  appears  that  Fulton  was  not  in- 
formed that  the  submarine  had  been  rejected  until  May, 
1806,  or  two  years  after  his  arrival  in  England.  Un- 
doubtedly it  was  held  under  serious  and  secret  con- 
sideration. Even  if  Fulton  did  not  construct  such  a 
boat  for  the  British  Government,  the  latter  reserved  the 
right  so  to  do  until  it  was  decided  to  drop  all  thought 
of  adoption,  or  even  of  further  investigation  of  any  form, 
of  under-water  attack. 

On  May  14,  Fulton  again  writes  to  Lord  Grenville: 

May  the  14th  1806 
My  Lord: 

Since  writing  to  your  Lordship  on  the  10th  Inst  Lord  Howick 
has  agreed  to  decide  on  my  Contract  by  arbitrators,  1  now 
beg  you  Lordship  will  have  the  goodness  to  give  orders  that 
my  accounts  which  are  with  Mr.  King  may  be  immediately 
setteld.  They  have  no  connection  with  the  final  decision  on 
my  contract  they  have  been  4  months  moving  from  office  to 
office  and  now  wait  your  Lordships  decision 

My  Lord  when  I  was  Invited  to  this  country  I  was  led  to 
believe  that  every  reasonable  attention  would  be  paid  to  my 
demonstrations  propositions  and  claims.  I  was  therefore  dis- 
posed from  the  first  to  do  everything  in  the  most  liberal  and 
open  manner.  I  have  uniformly  acted  on  this  principle  And 
I  have  hoped  for  equal  attention  and  Uberality  from  each  of 


FURTHER   CORRESPONDENCE  117 

His  Majestys  ministers  with  whome  I  may  have  to  act.  My 
Lord  mine  is  no  common  Case;  Tis  my  Sincere  wish  and  the 
real  interest  of  this  government  which  I  will  hereafter  explain 
that  everything  relative  to  this  business  may  be  setteled  in  the 
most  friendly  manner  hoping  to  have  the  pleasure  of  arranging 
with  your  Lordship  on  this  principle 

I  have  the  honor  to  be  your  Lordships 
most  obedient  and  Very  humble  Servant 

RoBT  Fulton 
The  Right  Honble 
Lord  Grenville 

From  the  above  it  appears  that  Ms  previous  requests 
to  Lords  Hov^ick  and  Grenville  for  the  appointing  of 
arbitrators  had  met  vrith  a  generally  favorable  response. 
But  sometimes  diplomats  agree  "  in  principle  ''  and 
then  avoid  arriving  at  a  settlement  of  such  inconvenient 
things  as  defined  details. 

There  still  remained  much  letter  v^riting,  threats  and 
begging  before  the  arbitrators  v^ere  actually  named, 
during  v^hich  time  Fulton  came  very  near  giving  public 
proof  that  he  had  lost  his  temper. 

More  than  three  weeks  after  Lord  Howick  had  in- 
formed Fulton  that  he  had  decided  to  submit  the  con- 
tract to  arbitration,  nothing  had  been  done  as  shovni 
by  the  following  letter  to  Lord  Grenville 's  secretary: 

London  June  the  6th 
Ibbotsons  Hotel  Vere  Street  Oxford  Road 
Mr.  King 
Sir 

Yesterday  Lord  Howick  informed  me  that  Lord  Grenville 
had  mentioned  to  him  two  or  three  persons  whome  he  thought 
fit  arbitrators.  I  beg  you  will  speak  to  his  Lordship  to  decide 
on  two  as  soon  as  possible  which  decision  becomes  urgent  in 
consequence  of  my  being  under  the  necessity  of  sailing  for 
America  About  the  10th  of  July  — 

That  this  business  may  proceed  with  the  least  possible  delay, 
and  trouble  to  Ministers  I  Conceive  the  best  mode  will  be  to 


118  ROBERT   FULTON   AND   THE   SUBMARINE 

name  one  person  first  who  with  my  friend  Mr.  Davison  or  Mr 
Mc Arthur  will  [first]  arrange  the  terms  of  the  Arbitration  bond: 
then  they  being  arbitrators  [proceed]  associated  to  two  others 
[Can  proceed]  can  proceed  to  the  examination  of  the  Machinery 
the  principles  of  application  and  a  decision  on  the  contract. 
I  beg  Sir  to  hear  from  you  on  this  Subject  as  Soon  as  possible 

I  am  etc 

R  Fulton 

On  June  ITtli  lie  again  writes  to  Mr.  King : 

Ibbotsons  Hotel  June  the  17th  1806 
Sir 

Anxious  to  Know  the  progress  of  my  affairs  and  [conceiving 
that]  conceiving  that  there  can  be  no  objection  or  obstacle  to 
prevent  the  immediate  naming  of  Arbitrators  on  the  part  of 
government  I  will  take  the  liberty  of  waiting  on  you  tomorrow 
between  the  hours  of  11  and  12  to  have  a  few  minuets  con- 
versation on  this  subject. 

I  am  Sir  your  most  obedient  & 
Very  humble  Servant 
KingEsqr.  Robt  Fulton 

No  rei)ly  having  been  received  within  two  days,  his 
impatience  and  irritation  overcame  his  control  of  his 
nerves  and  on  June  19th,  he  takes  pen  in  hand  to  begin 
the  inditing  of  three  letters.  Considering  that  of  these 
letters  one  is  addressed  to  the  chief  of  the  most  power- 
ful government  then  existing,  a  government  that  con- 
trolled the  affairs  of  the  world,  another  to  the  member 
of  the  cabinet  in  charge  of  the  Navy,  and  both  written 
by  a  man  who  had  been  for  two  years  and  still  was  in 
the  employ  of  the  government,  they  leave  unbroken  few 
rules  for  the  proper  conduct  of  official  correspond- 
ence. At  this  time  Fulton's  feelings  were  like  the 
actions  of  a  series  of  his  bombs  —  a  state  of  prolonged 
and  violent  explosions. 

One  of  the  letters  is  addressed  to  Mr.  King,  whose 
first  name  Fulton  does  not  seem  to  know,  the  second  to 


FURTHER   CORRESPONDENCE  119 

Lord  Grenville,  and  the  third  a  covering  letter  to 
Lord  Howick.  The  corrections  show  that  Fulton  spent 
some  time  in  composing  these  communications,  a  task  of 
no  small  difficulty  in  view  of  Fulton's  position  and  the 
disturbed  condition  of  his  temper.  The  two  dates  on 
the  Grenville  letter  indicate  that  Fulton  slept  on  it  for 
one  night,  while  the  lapse  into  his  earlier  degree  of  dis- 
regard of  orthography  is  perhaps  further  evidence  of 
his  emotions.  Tlie  delay  of  one  day  in  transmittal  saved 
him,  as  similar  delays  have  saved  others.  Perhaps 
some  kind  friend  came  to  his  guidance  on  the  morrow, 
or  perhaps  a  night's  rest  had  calmed  somewhat  his 
troubled  spirit;  whatever  the  reason,  according  to  the 
footnote  to  the  Howick  letter  he  refrained  from 
forwarding  any  of  the  three. 

It  is  not  difficult  to  picture  what  Lord  Grenville 's 
outburst  would  have  been  had  he  received  Fulton's  letter 
of  June  19th-20th.  The  man  who  had  not  feared  to 
break  with  the  all-powerful  Pitt,  and  who  had  become 
premier  of  England,  would  hardly  have  taken  kindly 
to  Fulton's  ultimatum  nor  his  threat  to  write  a  letter 
to  The  Times. 

Mr.  King 
Sir 

by  your  silence  on  my  Several  letters  permit  me  to  say 
that  you  have  treated  me  in  a  most  ungentleman  like 
manner;  Inclosed  is  a  letter  for  Lord  Grenville  which  you  will 
please  to  read  and  present  to  his  Lordship,  by  it  you  will  per- 
ceive the  line  I  mean  to  pursue  I  have  more  favours  to  bestow 
on  this  government  than  Ministers  will  ever  bestow  on  me  and 
I  am  now  about  to  put  that,  to  the  proof  should  they  drive  me 
to  such  necessity. 

I  am  Sir  your  most 

Obedient    R  Fulton 
King  Esq  Secretary  to  Lord  Grenville 
At  the  Treasury 
June  the  19th  1806,  London 


120    ROBERT  FULTON  AND  THE  SUBMARINE 

June  the  20th  1806 
My  Lord 

I  wrote  to  your  Lordship  on  the  5th  10th  and  14th  of  May, 
And  to  Mr.  King  on  the  30th  of  May  &  6th  of  June,  to  which 
letters  I  have  not  received  any  answer  nor  assurance,  that  my 
[business]  Claims  on  government  shall  be  speedily  and  honor- 
ably setteled.  As,  time  presses  hard  upon  me  for  for  three 
months  past  I  informed  Lord  Howick  and  your  Lordship  that 
I  should  Sail  for  america  In  July,  I  am  driven  from  neces- 
sity to  urge  in  the  strongest  manner  that  my  concerns  with 
governmt  may  be  immediately  and  finally  setteled,  hence  Should 
my  rights  Continue  to  be  treated  with  silent  indifference,  the 
letters  which  I  may  hereafter  have  occasion  to  write  to  your 
Lordship  must  from  necessity  be  through  the  medium  of  the 
public  prints,  But  I  yet  hope  that  so  disagreeable  an  alterna- 
tive may  be  avoided  And  that  your  Lordship  will  se  the  Jus- 
tice and  propriety  of  immediately  naming  your  Arbitrators  and 
of  their  immediately  proceeding  to  a  discision  on  my  Claims, 

My  Lord  Much  [and  Silent]  experience  has  made  me  conscous 
of  the  powers  of  the  engines  I  possess.  I  am  also  sensible  of 
my  own  resources  and  means  of  Action  I  convinced  the  late 
Ministers  of  them  they  felt  them  and  treated  me  with  that 
attention  Justice  and  civihty  which  should  satisfy  a  rational 
man.  [And]  Since  the  new  Ministry  has  been  formed  I  have 
repeatedly  offered  to  your  Lordship  and  Lord  Howick  to  Sub- 
mit the  whole  of  my  Assertions,  demenstrations  and  claims  to 
Men  of  science  and  Arbitration  by  which  means  [government] 
Ministers  may  become  acquainted  with  scientific  facts  interest- 
ing to  the  nation,  and  Justice  may  be  done  to  me,  more  liberal 
and  honorable  terms  cannot  be  proposed,  these  terms  I  have 
a  right  to  demand  [them]  and  My  Lord  I  now  do  demand  them, 
I  look  to  your  Lordship  and  Lord  Howick  for  prompt  Justice 
I  demand  it  as  my  right  And  I  never  will  Submit  to  [receive] 
plead  for  it  as  a  favour 

My  Lord  if  I  have  not  before  monday  next  Satisfactory  As- 
surance that  Arbitraters  Shall  be  immediately  Named  on  the 
part  of  Government  And  my  [Claims]  Business  [immediately] 
proceeded  upon  in  a  prompt  and  liberal  manner  I  will  on  the 
commencement  of  next  week  put  this  letter  in  the  public  prints 
and  proceed  to  publish  such  details  and  demonstrations  As 
will  put  it  in  the  power  of  the  nation  to  Judge  if  my  rights, 


FURTHER   CORRESPONDENCE  121 

the  Justice  of  Ministers  And  the  importance  of  a  Subject  ex- 
tremely interesting  to  [them]  every  Englishman. 

I  am  my  Lord  your  Lordships  most 
Obedient  and  Very  humble  Servant 

Robert  Fulton 

Lord  Grenville, 

June  the  19th  1806 

Lord  Howick 
My  Lord 

As  yet  I  can  neither  see  nor  heard  from  Lord  Grenville 
nor  Mr.  King.  Inclosed  Is  a  copy  of  a  letter  which  I  have 
written  to  his  Lordship  degrading  neglect,  to  a  man  in  my 
situation,  compels  me  to  take  the  measures  which  I  have 
adopted ; 

I  am  My  Lord  your  Lordships 
Most  Obedient  [and] 

R.  Fulton 

June  the  19th  1806 

These  three  letters  not  delivered  for  the 
present    the   following   two   Substituted, 

The  two  letters  that  lie  substituted  were  addressed 
one  to  Mr.  King  and  the  other  to  Lord  Howick. 

The  copy  of  the  King  letter,  now  in  the  possession  of 
the  writer,  is  dated  but  not  signed.  In  it  he  still  gave 
vent  to  some  of  the  bitterness  and  threats  contained  in 
the  letter  to  Lord  Grenville,  but  in  gentler  tone.  As 
the  censure  is  not  now  addressed  to  Lord  Grenville  but 
to  his  secretary  the  irritating  character  is  much  softened. 

Ibbotsons  Hotel  June  the  20th  1806 

Mr.  King 

Sir 

Your  Silence  on  my  several  letters  Is  a  want  of  politeness 

and  an  Injustice  which  I  feel  in  the  most  sensible  manner     I 

have  offered  His  Majestys  Ministers  the  Most  rational  and 


122  ROBERT   FULTON   AND   THE   SUBMARINE 

honorable  terms,  by  proposing  to  submit  my  whole  plans  to 
men  of  science  and  arbitrators  if  Ministers  have  not  time  or 
doubt  their  own  [power]  ability  to  Judge  of  the  powers  and 
consequences  of  new  inventions  how  can  they  expect  to  arrive 
at  truth  or  get  correct  Ideas  but  through  the  medium  of  Men 
of  Sciences,  of  their  own  appointment,  to  refuse  such  a  pro- 
posal and  what  is  worse  to  treat  it  with  contempt  is  injustice 
to  the  nation  and  to  me  and  is  [the]  sufficient  to  sink  any  man 
or  men  in  the  opinion  of  the  [nation]  public.  I  hope  I  Shall 
not  be  driven  to  the  necessity  of  appealing  to  the  public  opinion 
on  this  point  but  that  I  Shall  have  prompt  and  reasonable 
attention  immediately  paid -to  my  claims  I  hope  sir  for  your 
immediate  answer 


The  letter  to  Lord  Howick  is  a  model  of  self-restraint 
as  compared  with  the  violent  outburst  of  the  withheld 
epistle  to  Lord  Grenville: 

Ibbotsons  Hotel  June  the  20th  1806 
Lord  Howick 
My  Lord 

I  have  not  as  yet  seen  or  beared  from  Lord  Grenville  nor 
Mr.  King  nor  received  any  assurance  that  my  business  shall 
be  speedily  setteled  In  a  thing  so  Just  and  Simple  as  the 
naming  of  two  Arbitrators  why  should  such  unnecessary  delays 
and  injustice  be  [extended  to  me]  exercised  toward  me?  Will 
Ministers  necessitate  me  to  lay  my  Claims  before  the  public, 
and  force  me  to  such  demonstrations  and  disclosure  of  facts 
as  must  be  disagreeable  to  all  parties  and  of  serious  conse- 
quence to  the  nation;  My  Lord  I  look  to  your  Lordship  and 
Lord  Grenville  for  prompt  Justice  I  demand  it  as  my  right 
and  will  not  Submit  to  ask  it  as  a  favor.  I  am  Conscious  of 
my  own  Strength  and  resources  I  convinced  the  late  ministers 
of  them,  they  felt  them  and  treated  me  with  Justice  attention 
and  civility,  I  have  offered  to  convince  your  Lordship  and 
His  Majesty  present  Ministers,  of  the  truth  of  these  powers 
by  submitting  the  whole  to  men  of  Science  and  Arbitrators 
Your  Lordship  has  intimated  that  [you]  you  doubted  your  own 
[capacity]  power  to  Judge  of  the  [power  or]  effect  and  ultimate 
consequences  of  my  Inventions,  then  how  do  you  expect  to 
arrive  at  truth  but  through  the  medium  of  men  of  Science 


FURTHER   CORRESPONDENCE  123 

My  Lord  this  is  common  sense  and  [the  Nation]  Men  of 
sense  and  the  Nation  will  not  approve  of  any  other  line  of 
conduct  in  this  Business  — 

My  Lord  3  months  ago  I  informed  you  that  my  plans  were 
laid  for  Sailing  to  America  In  July  this  is  still  my  intention 
the  time  is  fast  approaching  And  one  of  the  gentlemen  who 
[was]  agreed  to  act  As  my  arbitrater  must  shortly  leave  town 
for  these  reasons  I  must  [Insist  on]  [beg  Insist]  [beg]  hope 
for  your  immediate  decision,  and  answer  to  this  letter. 

I  am  etc. 

R.  Fulton 

As  one  reads  these  letters  beginning  with  the  moder- 
ate request  to  Lord  Grenville  on  May  5th,  the  unwritten 
matter  between  the  lines  suggests  that  Fulton  was  not 
very  hopeful  of  obtaining  either  a  satisfactory  financial 
award  or  the  personal  treatment  that  he  felt  he  was 
entitled  to  receive. 


Chaptee  X 
THE   FAILURE   OF    THE   NEGOTIATIONS 

Arbitrators  appointed.  Fulton's  presentation  of  his  case  (Aug., 
1806).  Arbitrators  decide  against  Fulton.  He  makes  a  last  appeal 
to  Lord  Grenville,  reviewing  whole  case   (Sept.,  1806).        No  reply. 

The  arbitrators  were  finally  appointed.  By  that 
time  the  increasingly  fault-finding  note  of  Fulton's 
correspondence  shows  that  his  fears  as  to  the  outcome 
had  become  almost  certainties  in  his  mind,  because  he 
prepared  a  written  brief  for  submission,  the  tone  of 
which  was  far  from  hopeful.  This  brief  is  the 
*'  Descriptions  "  of  this  book. 

When  the  arbitrators  met,  those  representing  the 
government  put  simdry  questions  particularly  as  to 
whether  any  one  would  risk  being  caught  in  the  sub- 
marine vessel  and  expose  himself  to  being  hanged  in 
consequence  of  using  engines  not  permitted  by  the  laws 
of  war;  the  sweeping  of  the  Channel  to  locate  floating 
bombs;  the  effect  of  storms  on  such  bombs,  and  on  the 
chance  of  a  submarine  being  driven  on  shore  by  a  storm. 
These  questions  were  all  met  by  Fulton  in  a  very  logi- 
cal manner.  Both  questions  and  answers  are  recorded 
as  *'  Notes  on  Observations  of  the  Arbitrators  Particu- 
larly of  Oapt°.  Hamilton  and  Sir  Charles  Blagden  " 
attached  to  Fulton's  own  copy  of  the  *'  Descriptions." 

These  same  notes  show  that  Fulton  made  it  clear  that 
the  plans  he  submitted  to  the  British  Grovernment  were 
so  far  in  advance  of  anything  he  had  proposed  to  the 
French  that  they  constituted  new  plans.  On  this  point 
he  savs: 

124 


FAILURE   OF   THE   NEGOTIATIONS  125 

But,  it  may  be  said  that  my  Experiments  have  been  so  Public 
that  no  part  of  my  plan  is  now  a  Secret,  I  would  ask  who  has 
seen  the  Plans  and  System  which  I  have  exhibited  to  this  Com- 
mittee where  is  to  be  found  did  any  gentleman  here  know 
them  all  or  any  part  of  them  perfectly  before  I  appeared,?  It 
is  true  there  have  been  Ideas  of  this  subject  scattered  in  the 
World  but  the  impracticability  of  any  important  result  has 
always  been  attached  to  them  which  Idea  I  perceive  has  much 
weight  in  this  Committee. 

He  urged  on  the  Arbitrators  that  a  list  of  questions 
which  he  sets  forth  in  his  notes  bearing  on  the  efdcacy 
of  his  bombs  should  be  submitted  to  Lord  Kieth,  Com- 
modore Owen,  Admiral  Demet,  Captain  Seccombe, 
Captain  Salt,  Captain  King,  Lieutenant  Wm.  Robinson 
and  Captain  Thomas  Johnson  of  the  Nile  Cutter.  He 
concludes  his  appeal  to  the  Arbitrators  in  the  following 
spirited  language: 

Now  Gentlemen  I  beg  you  to  believe  that  I  have  not  taken 
these  measures  nor  made  use  of  these  Arguments  to  draw  from 
you  either  Capital  or  Annuity  I  am  not  a  Man  much  gov- 
erned by  a  thirst  for  Money,  an  honorabel  fame  is  to  me  a 
much  more  noble  feeling,  But  I  hke  truth  candor,  and  Justice 
to  all  Parties  concerned  with  me  in  this  Business,  I  have  there- 
fore used  these  Arguments  for  the  following  reasons. 

First,  That  at  this  meeting  it  is  right  for  me  to  Shew  you 
in  the  most  striking  manner  in  my  power  what  I  conceive  your 
danger  and  should  you  not  see  it  as  I  do  and  future  bad  con- 
sequences should  result  to  this  Country  the  fault  will  not  rest 
with  me  but  with  you  and  His  Majesty's  Ministers,  and  I  shall 
not  have  to  accuse  myself  of  want  of  Candour  — 

Second,  I  have  used  them  to  gratify  two  friends  who  have 
been  kind  to  me,  and  who  are  more  governed  by  the  hope  of 
gain  than  I  am,  I  have  now  acquitted  myself  to  this  Govern- 
ment and  to  them,  And  neither  this  Government  nor  they  have 
more  to  expect  of  me  Therefore  Gentlemen  should  your  award 
not  meet  their  views  of  Wealth,  I  shall  feel  free  to  act  as  I 
think  proper  And  I  will  take  the  fame  and  Consequences  of 
these  Engines  on  myself  Abandoning  all  calculations  of  a 
pecuniary  kind,  and  the  whole  of  the  Drawings  and  Papers 


126  ROBERT   FULTON   AND   THE   SUBMARINE 

here  exhibited  shall  be  published  withm  one  year  with  all  my 
Experiments  in  France  and  Negotiations  with  this  Government. 
In  fact  I  will  do  my  utmost  to  make  it  a  good  Philosophic  Work 
and  give  it  to  the  World.  I  will  then  form  a  Committee  of 
the  most  respectable  Men  in  America  and  proceed  regularly 
in  Experiments  on  the  large  Scale  publishing  the  result  from 
time  to  time  and  thus  drawing  the  attention  of  the  ingenious 
and  Enterprising  to  such  Pursuits  I  shall  hope  to  succeed  in 
my  first  object  that  of  annihilating  all  Military  Marines  and 
giving  liberty  to  the  Seas. 

Gentlemen  a  man  who  has  the  candour  to  give  you  this  in 
Writing  has  but  little  deception  or  fear  in  his  character  and 
will  not  abandon  so  glorious  an  Enterprise  for  trifling  Rebuffs 
or  mean  consideration 

At  all  events  whatever  may  be  your  Award  I  never  will  con- 
sent to  let  these  inventions  he  dormant  Should  my  Country 
at  any  time  have  need  of  them,  Were  you  to  grant  me  an  An- 
nuity of  £20,000  a  Year,  I  would  sacrifise  all  to  the  safety  & 
independance  of  my  Country,  But  I  hope  England  and 
America  will  understand  their  mutual  Interest  to  well  to  War 
with  each  other  And  I  have  no  desire  to  introduce  my  En- 
gines into  practice  for  the  benefit  of  any  other  Nation. 

At  the  end  of  the  ''  Notes  "  he  adds  his  own  views  and 
a  record  that  the  decision,  adverse  to  him,  was  signed  soon 
after  the  conference  was  concluded. 

After  the  Arguments  used  in  the  preceding  Paper,  one  would 
have  thought  that  Justice  and  Policy  would  have  induced  the 
Arbitrators  to  hear  Evidence  on  the  practicability  and  probable 
consequences  of  such  Engines,  before  they  would  venture  to 
decide  on  a  Work  of  Art  of  so  much  consequence,  they  did  not 
however  call  in  one  Evidence  nor  hear  one  opinion  and  to  my 
great  astonishment  the  Award  was  Signed  in  one  Hour  after 
I  left  the  room.  Such  inconceivable  blindness  to  the  Interest 
of  the  Nation,  and  Injustice  to  me  on  the  part  of  Sir  Charles 
Blagden  and  Captn.  Hamilton,  Induced  me  to  write  the  follow- 
ing Letter  to  Lord  Grenville  and  this  I  did  that  Ministers  may 
have  no  excuse  to  plead  that  they  were  lead  into  Error  by  their 
Arbitrators,  and  again  that  my  two  friends  may  be  convinced 
that  I  never  abandoned  their  Interest  as  long  as  there  was  one 
reasonable  hope  of  succeeding  to  their  wishes. 


FAILURE   OF   THE   NEGOTIATIONS  127 

There  is  a  footnote  to  the  copy  as  follows: 

This  paper  I  read  to  the  Arbitrators  on  the  morning  of  this 
date  and  it  is  deposited  with  the  Government. 

In  the  letter  to  Lord  Grenville  referred  to  above  and 
given  at  length  below,  Fulton,  it  will  be  seen,  states  that 
he  had  deposited  twelve  drawings  with  descriptions  of 
facts  in  the  hands  of  Mr.  King,  secretary  to  Lord  Gren- 
ville. This  is  undoubtedly  what  he  means  by  the  state- 
ment in  his  notes  of  the  paper  read  to  the  arbitrators 
having  been  "  deposited  with  the  government."  As 
the  drawings  were  intricate  and  the  paper  very  long,  it 
is  hardly  probable  that  Fulton  made  three  copies  includ- 
ing the  copy  of  the  paper  and  tracings  of  the  drawings 
that  he  brought  home.  As  neither  Mr.  King  nor  the 
arbitrators  had  any  need  for  the  drawings  and  paper, 
it  is  quite  likely  that  they  were  returned  to  Fulton,  who 
left  them  with  Consul  Lyman  as  described  in  his  letter 
to  Barlow  and  which  are  consequently  the  foundation 

of  this  book. 

The  letter  to  Lord  Grenville  to  which  Fulton  refers 
is  worthy  of  reproduction  as  it  is  a  general  summary 
of  his  case  written  immediately  before  his  departure  for 
America.  It  is  his  last  appeal,  and  in  it  he  uses  every 
argument  that  occurs  to  him. 

Ibbotsons  Hotel,  September  the  3d  1806 
To  the  Right  Honorable 
Lord  Grenville 
My  Lord 

As  the  subject  of  which  this  letter  will  treat  is  of  the  ut- 
most importance  in  as  much  as  it  may  render  the  power  and 
independence  of  Great  Britain  doubtful  and  a  wrong  judgement 
of  it  may  not  only  involve  the  country  in  comphcated  evils 
but  attach  eternal  blame  to  his  Majesty's  present  ministers  of 
whome  your  Lordship  is  one.  I  Shall  hope  for  your  calm  perusal 
and  deliberate  contemplation  of  the  following  facts  and  ob- 
servations on  the  means  which  science  has  developed  for  de- 


128  ROBERT   FULTON   AND    THE   SUBMARINE 

stroying  military  marines  and  in  such  case  what  would  be  the 
fate  of  England?  There  is  one  suit  of  thinking  which  gains 
easy  access  to  an  intelligent  mind,  and  opens  the  way  to  a 
right  Judgement  on  the  progress  of  the  arts  and  the  possibility 
of  effecting  every  thing  which  is  within  the  limits  of  physics 
it  is  that  all  science  is  progressive  every  year  exhibits  new  com- 
binations and  effects,  Steam  engines,  Cotton  Mills,  Telegraphs, 
Baloons,  and  submarine  navigation  and  attack  have  all  appeared 
almost  within  our  memory,  and  only  Vulgar  minds  harbour 
the  thought  that  a  Physical  possibility  is  impracticable  because 
it  has  not  already  been  done.  It  does  not  require  much  depth 
of  thought  to  trace  that  science  by  the  discovery  of  Gunpowder 
changed  the  whole  art  of  war  by  land  and  sea  and  may  by 
future  combinations  sweep  military  marines  from  the  ocean 
My  Lord  I  have  discovered  the  means  which  may  produce  such 
an  effect,  and  by  ample  experiments  proved  them  true,  that  is 
I  have  proved  them  to  a  degree  which  should  convince  every 
reflecting  and  unprejudiced  mind,  Common  minds  which  cling 
to  the  Ideas  of  forefathers,  or  established  customs  are  only  to 
be  convinced  by  demonstrations  which  enter  at  the  Eyes.  But 
if  in  this  case  the  marine  of  England  must  be  destroyed  to 
convince  the  Vulgar  of  the  possibility  it  will  then  be  too  late 
to  reason  on  the  consequences  It  is  to  avoid  being  driven  to 
so  dreadful  a  proof  of  the  power  of  my  engines  that  I  now 
take  the  liberty  of  calling  the  attention  of  your  Lordship  to 
this  Subject,  Of  the  principles  of  the  Engines  I  have  deposited 
twelve  drawings  with  descriptions  of  facts  and  reasonings  on 
them  in  the  hands  of  Mr.  King  who  I  believe  has  committed 
them  to  the  care  of  Alexander  Davison  Esq^  In  St.  Jameses 
square  which  drawings  and  writings  were  made  for  arbitrators 
who  had  to  decide  on  my  claims  under  a  contract  made  with 
Mr.  Pitt  and  Lord  Melville. 

Of  the  Arbitrators  two  Mr.  Davison  and  Dr.  Cartwright  are 
of  opinion  that  all  military  marines  may  be  destroyed  by  the 
means  which  I  have  Exhibited,  how  far  Sir  Charles  Blagden 
and  Capt.  Hamilton  may  be  of  that  opinion  I  cannot  tell  but 
resting  on  their  own  judgement  they  never  heared  evidence 
nor  called  for  the  opinion  of  nautical  men,  on  the  several  modes 
of  using  the  machines,  hence  Ministers  are  Still  in  the  dark 
as  to  what  may  be  the  power  Practicability  and  consequence 
of  such  engines. 

Now  my  Lord  his  Majesty's  Ministers  cannot  do  Justice  to 


FAILURE   OF   THE   NEGOTIATIONS  129 

the  public  nor  guard  their  own  honor  untill  they  enter  into  a 
full  examination  of  my  system  and  take  the  opinion  of  many 
nautical  men  on  the  means  by  which  such  engines  may  be  used 
for  out  of  the  opmion  of  the  many  a  right  thinking  may  arise. 

I  would  therefore  propose  a  meeting  of  His  Majesty's  Min- 
isters, Your  Lordship,  Lord  Moira,  Lord  Henry  petty,  Lord 
Howick,  Lord  Erskine,  Mr.  Fox  if  his  health  will  permit  and 
Mr.  Windham,  or  any  other  Gentleman  whome  it  may  be 
thought  right  to  call  in,  And  that  before  them  the  opinions  shall 
be  taken  of  Lord  Kieth,  Admiral  Demet,  Sir  Even  Nepene,  Com- 
modor  Owen,  Capt.  Seccombe,  Capt.  Salt,  Capt.  Thos.  Johnson 
of  the  nile  Cutter,  and  Lieutenant  Wm.  Robinson  —  or  such 
other  persons  as  have  seen  the  experiments  and  know  most  of 
the  engines 

But  should  this  mode  be  inconvenient  a  Comraitte  of  12 
Nautical  men  to  examine  and  report  on  the  plans  which  I  have 
exhibited,  by  such  means  &  such  only  Ministers  can  do  Jus- 
tice to  the  pubhc  and  get  a  clear  understanding  of  this  subject 
And  at  Such  committee  if  thought  proper  I  will  attend  and 
explain  my  several  modes  of  attack  which  will  give  gentlemen 
an  opportunity  to  see  what  means  they  can  devise  to  prevent 
your  commerce  being  distressed  and  your  marine  by  such  en- 
gines were  they  in  the  hands  of  an  enemy  and  practiced  by  them 
against  this  country. 

There  are  many  powerful  reasons  why  such  investigation 
Should  be  entered  into. 

First. 

That  if  what  I  ascert  be  fact  and  Ministers  refuse  to  take  the 
rational  and  easy  means  here  pointed  out  of  being  rightly  in- 
formed and  my  engines  should  be  practiced  to  the  Injury  of 
the  commerce  and  fleets  of  England  the  people  will  not  Suffer 
in  silence  but  attach  the  whole  blame  to  Ministers  for  wilfull 
neglect,  therefore  in  as  much  as  gentlemen  regard  their  future 
reputation  this  Subject  is  of  serious  consequence  to  them, 

Second 

If  the  Engines  be  harmless  it  certainly  is  important  to  be  con- 
vinced on  this  head  But  will  Ministers  consent  to  be  convinced 
on  Vague  reports  and  Vulgar  opinions  which  accompany  aU 
new  Inventions  and  not  calmly  sit  down  with  nautical  men 
and  by  examining  principles  penetrate  into  facts  —  ?    My  Lord 


130  ROBERT   FULTON   AND   THE   SUBMARINE 

men  of  sense  must  penetrate  into  all  the  facts  connected  with 
this  subject  and  that  His  Majesty's  Ministers  may  not  have  the 
least  excuse,  that  they  have  not  had  a  fair  and  timely  wammg 
on  what  maybe  the  consequence  of  these  inventions  I  have 
Written  this  letter  which  I  beg  your  Lordship  to  Communicate 
to  His  Majesty's  ministers. 

In  case  of  a  Committe  of  investigation  I  conceive  the  prin- 
ciple points  for  consideration  and  to  guard  the  interest  of  the 
nation  will  be  as  follows, 

First 

What  is  the  present  state  of  perfection  of  submarine  navigation 

and  attack,? 

Second, 

To  what  state  of  perfection  is  it  capable  of  being  brought 

Third 

With  such  engines  in  the  hands  of  an  Enemy  could  they  injure 
the  commerce  fleets  and  independence  of  England? 

Fourth 

What  is  the  general  opinion  of  this  subject  and  public  knowl- 
edge of  it,? 

Fifth 

Under  all  considerations  is  it  policy  to  practice  such  engines 
or  to  let  them  be  practiced,? 

Sixth 

Is  it  the  interest  of  the  nation  that  they  should  rest  in  their 
present  state  and  is  the  public  or  European  mind  so  little  im- 
pressed with  the  use  of  Such  engines  that  they  may  rest  in 
their  present  state  of  incertitude? 

Now  My  Lord  permit  me  to  give  you  my  opinion  It  has  been 
proved  by  the  most  satisfactory  experiments,  that  were  an 
Enemy  in  possession  of  all  the  means  which  I  exhibited  to  the 
Arbitrators  they  could  at  any  time  in  two  months  embarrass 
the  commerce  of  England  in  the  most  distressing  degree,  Or 
should  they  think  proper  to  persevere  in  the  practice  of  such 


FAILURE   OF   THE   NEGOTIATIONS  131 

Engines  they  could  destroy  the  whole  British  Marine  And  I 
thing  it  cannot  be  doubted  that  The  french  Emperor  whose 
most  ardent  wish  is  to  get  freedom  for  his  commerce  would 
practice  such  engines  were  he  acquainted  with  them,  knew  the 
modes  of  using  them  and  the  immense  advantages  they  would 
give  him,  That  he  has  not  such  a  Knowledge  is  in  some  de- 
gree proved  by  his  not  making  any  move  in  the  manufacture, 
practice  or  use  of  them,  — For  although  I  made  some  experi- 
ments in  france  they  were  always  thought  more  curious  than 
useful  and  the  French  never  were  impressed  with  the  Idea  that 
any  advantage  could  be  drawn  from  what  I  had  done,  which 
opinion  prevails  in  this  country  at  present.  The  feilure  at 
Boulogne  has  also  spread  the  Idea  that  the  engines  are  harm- 
less, but  the  want  of  success  at  Boulogne  was  in  consequence 
of  not  having  experience,  and  no  defect  in  the  principles  of 
the  Engines,  hence  under  these  impressions  in  france  and 
England  I  believe  these  inventions  may  lie  silent  for  many 

years  — 

From  this  I  infer  that  it  rests  with  me  and  my  friends  in 
America  whether  these  inventions  shall  sleep  or  or  be  rendered 
fameUar  to  all  nations,  of  this  Gentlemen  can  Judge  on 
investigation 

When  I  was  invited  to  this  country  a  prospect  of  emolu- 
ment was  held  out  to  me  in  some  degree  proportioned  to  the 
Value  of  my  engines  but  in  consequence  of  Lord  Melville  going 
out  of  office,     The  death  of  Mr.  Pitt  the  change  of  Ministers 
and  opinions  on  this  subject  the  agreement  with  me  has  not 
been  fulfilled.     Therefore  My  Lord  after  Seven  Years  Labour, 
Experience  Expence  and  Successful  experiment  It  is  reason- 
able and  right  that  I  should  convert  my  inventions  to  my  own 
use  in  every  honorable  way,  your  Lordship  or  any  other  man 
in  my  situation  would  act  in  like  manner,  And  it  is  right  now 
to  assure  your  Lordship  that  I  never  will  Suffer  these  inven- 
tions to  rest  till  I  Succeed;     But  as  I  have  no  desire  to  in- 
troduce these  inventions  Into  practice  unless  my  country  should 
have  need  of  them  and  which  I  hope  will  not  be  necessary  as 
long  as  England  and  America  understand  the  true  interest  of 
their  commerce  I  still  offer  my  neutrality  to  this  government 
on  Condition  that  Ministers  will  meet  the  Ideas  held  out  to  me 
on  coming  to  England, 

This  my  Lord  is  placing  the  security  of  the  Commerce  and 
fleets  of  England  in  the  Balance  against  a  few  thousand  pounds 


132         ROBERT   FULTON  AND   THE  SUBMARINE 

Or  an  Annuity,  which  Annuity  to  be  continued  to  me  only  so 
long  as  such  engines  are  not  used  by  France  or  any  other  nation 
against  England,  The  resting  my  pecuniary  hopes  on  such 
conditions  is  perhaps  the  best  proof  which  can  be  given  of  my 
conviction  that  such  engines  are  not  yet  sufficiently  known  to 
be  turned  against  this  nation.  In  Such  an  arrangement  It 
should  be  a  condition  that  government  Should  not  permit  such 
engines  to  be  used  by  any  british  subject  least  they  should  be 
made  known,  and  turned  against  this  country  Or  should  the 
present  or  future  ministers  use  them  they  should  fulfill  the 
terms  of  the  contract  for  fourteen  years  as  Stipulated  in  Said 
contract  — 

But  Should  terms  to  this  effect  not  be  Acceeded  to  I  must 
from  necessity  place  the  whole  system  in  such  a  position  as 
will  give  it  to  the  world  I  must  also  publish  this  letter,  the 
nation  will  then  Judge  whether  I  have  acted  frankly  And 
whether  Ministers  have  done  Justice  to  the  public  and  to  me. 

My  Lord  having  made  you  this  communication  your  honor 
and  future  fame  is  involved  in  this  question,  the  high  situation 
which  you  hold  as  one  of  his  Majesty's  Ministers  and  your 
Consequent  responsibility  to  the  nation  together  with  my  full 
conviction  that  what  I  have  here  said  is  not  only  practicable 
but  easy  is  the  reason  I  have  taken  the  liberty  thus  to  address 
you,— 

I  now  beg  your  Lordship  to  believe  that  although  this  busi- 
ness has  been  treated  in  a  manner  extremely  disagreeable  to 
my  feelings  and  I  have  been  much  disappointed  in  not  finding 
the  calm  and  rational  investigation  which  I  hoped  for,  yet  I 
have  not  one  feeling  of  enmity  towards  this  nation  or  any  one 
of  his  Majesty's  Ministers  I  make  every  allowance  for  estab- 
lished opinions  and  Ideas  of  art  which  particular  education  fix 
on  the  human  mind  And  my  wish  ever  has  been  that  this 
subject  should  be  one  of  reason  and  not  of  passion  or  prejudice 
And  for  this  reason  I  again  submit  it  to  your  Lordship  and  His 
Majesty's  Ministers  before  I  leave  the  Country  which  will  be 
in  a  few  days. 

Believe  me  my  Lord  impressed 
September  the  with  the  greatest  respect  for 

3d  1806  your  high  Character  and 

Sense  of  right 

Robert  Fulton 


FAILURE   OF   THE   NEGOTIATIONS  133 

The  above  is  an  argument.  Fulton  placed  his  facts, 
which  were  summarized  as  a  series  of  questions  put  by 
him  to  the  arbitrators,  or  by  them  to  him,  and  recorded 
by  Fulton  in  a  — 

Second  Letter 

To  the  Right  Honorable  Lord  Grenville 

On  Questions,  Answers  doubts  and  Considerations  at  the 

Arbitration  on  the  powers  of  Submarine  navigation  and  attack 


After  exhibiting  the  Engines  to  the  arbitrators  and  the  Various 
modes  of  using  them  I  put  the  following  questions  to  the  four 
arbitrators, 

First 

Will  the  explosion  of  a  submarine  Bomb  of  one  or  two  hun- 
dred pounds  of  powder  under  the  bottom  of  a  Ship  of  the  line 
destroy  her,? 

Answer,  we  believe  it  would  the  blowing  up  of  the  Brig 
Dorothea  in  walmer  roads  being  indubitable  proof  — 

Second 

Were  an  instantanious  bomb  anchored  under  water  and  a  Vessel 
to  run  against  it  so  that  the  bomb  should  strike  any  place 
under  her  bottom  and  explosion  there  take  place  would  it  destroy 
her,? 

Answer,  we  believe  it  would, 
The  power  of  the  engines  being  thus  acknowledged  the  follow- 
ing opinions  were  started  by  Capt.  Hamilton  as  difficulties  in 
the  way  of  using  them. 

First 

Where  can  men  be  found  who  will  have  courage  to  use  such 
engines,  who  knowing  that  were  they  caught  they  would  be 
liable  to  suffer  death  for  using  engines  not  admitted  by  the  laws 
of  war  hence  what  advantages  could  the  enemy  draw  from 
Such  engines? 


134  ROBERT   FULTON   AND   THE   SUBMARINE 

My  Answer 

Englishmen  have  had  courage  to  run  four  times  among  the 
Enemy  in  Boulogne  roadstead  with  such  engines  and  have 
courage  to  do  so  again  Then  is  it  suffecient  security  for  England 
to  rely  on  that  frenchman  have  not  courage  to  take  advantage 
of  dark  nights  to  anchor  submarine  bombs  in  the  waters  near 
Boulogne  where  the  blockading  squaderns  usually  cruise  or  near 
the  Black  rocks  or  ushant  where  the  brest  Blockading  squadern 
usually  cruise  or  off  cape  Grinez  or  half  channel  over  In  the 
waters  where  British  fleets  now  cruise  without  a  feeling  of 
danger,  Should  the  French  Emperor  adopt  such  a  system  and 
Issue  a  proclamation  that  he  would  retaliate  man  for  man  who 
would  hang  a  Frenchman?     This  is  for  Ministers  to  consider; 

Second  objection  of  Capt  H 

Were  ten  thousand  of  such  bombs  anchored  the  first  storm 
would  drive  them  on  shore  and  destroy  them. 

Answer 

The  Buoys  to  mark  shoal  water  are  held  in  the  Same  spot  in 
all  weathers  yet  Buoys  are  of  a  large  Volume  and  exposed  to 
the  shock  of  the  surface  of  the  water  which  is  much  more  violent 
than  the  action  ten  or  fifteen  feet  deep,  therefore  if  Buoys  be 
held  by  suffecient  anchor  and  cable,  a  bomb  of  not  one  fortieth 
of  the  Buoys  Volume  may  be  held  also,  but  to  decide  on  this 
doubt  let  a  bomb  without  a  lock  be  anchored  in  Dover  Roads 
and  if  it  be  not  found  there  next  Spring  I  will  give  up  this 
point. 

Third  objection  of  Capt.  H. 

A  few  vessels  with  cables  stretched  could  sweep  the  channel 
and  destroy  the  Bombs. 

Answer, 

What  would  be  the  situation  of  a  commercial  country  like 
England  were  she  obliged  to  lay  an  embargo  on  her  trade  and 
keep  her  Ships  of  war  in  port  till  3,000  square  miles  of  channel 
were  swept  once  a  month,?  for  while  sweeping  the  Channel 
in  one  part,  the  enemy  could  be  laying  down  bombs  in  several 
places,     Suppose  for  example  that  the  Enemy  had  anchored 


FAILURE   OF   THE   NEGOTIATIONS  135 

500  or  1000  bombs  from  the  lands  end  to  the  humber  they  who 
were  to  sweep  them  not  knowing  where  they  were  laid  would 
be  necessitated  to  sweep  the  whole  channel  to  find  them,  and 
another  difficulty  occurs,  for  not  Knowing  the  number  which 
were  put  down  who  could  tell  when  exactly  every  one  was 
taken  up? 

Will  Capt  Hamilton  have  the  goodness  to  point  out  to  his 
Majesty's  ministers  a  certain  mode  of  keeping  the  channel  free 
from  such  engines  so  that  the  British  commerce  and  fleets  may 
move  with  all  the  security  and  confidence  which  they  at  present 
enjoy*? 


*When  a  few  hundred  of  such  bombs  are  anchored  it  is  im- 
possible to  clear  the  Channel  of  them  nor  give  confidence  to 
navigation  till  they  destroy  themselves  in  the  given  time  for 
which  they  were  set.  That  is  from  one  to  twelve  months.  This 
I  know  how  to  do,  Therefore  the  danger  may  be  laid  down  for 
any  time  from  one  to  12  months  and  the  trade  destroyed  for 
any  period  which  the  french  might  think  proper, 

Fourth  Objection. 

And  one  to  which  I  believe  all  the  arbitrators  Yielded  but  which 
they  did  not  give  me  an  opportunity  to  answer  and  which  I 
shall  now  do. 

That  such  a  system  of  Attack  would  not  only  destroy  English 
but  all  neutral  commerce,  and  even  the  commerce  of  france  that 
consequently  Buonapart  would  not  use  it  — 

Answer 

When  any  port  is  blockaded  the  commerce  of  all  neutrals  as 
connected  with  that  port  is  distressed  But  as  the  existance 
of  England  depends  on  her  uninterrupted  commerce  while 
France  is  more  Agricultural,  and  as  france  could  lay  down  such 
engines  in  the  channel  so  as  to  distress  British  commerce  yet 
leave  Brest,  Bordeaux  and  the  Medeterranian  free  to  her  own 
trade  unless  England  laid  down  bombs  also  in  which  case  mari- 
time war  would  become  a  war  of  Bombs  in  which  France  would 
have  the  advantage  in  consequence  of  her  trade  with  Spain  and 
her  own  frontier,  the  Question  then  would  be  which  of  the  two 
nations  England  or  France  could  bear  such  interruption  of  their 


136  ROBERT   FULTON   AND   THE   SUBMARINE 

trade  for  the  greatest  length  of  time  and  which  must  finally 
yield  to  the  dictates  of  the  other  In  such  a  contest  where  every- 
thing is  to  be  gained 

Nepolion  is  not  of  a  temper  to  consult  the  temporary  Interest 
of  Neutrals  and  it  will  not  be  wise  in  his  Majesty's  Ministers 
to  risk  it. 

Questions  put  by  me  to  Capt  Hamilton  and  which  I  desired 
might  be  put  to  Lord  Kieth,  Admiral  Demet,  Commodor  Owen, 
Capt.  Seccombe,  Capt  Salt,  Capt.  King,  Capt.  Thos.  Johnson 
of  the  nile  Cutter,  and  Lieutenant  Wm.  Robinson,  but  which 
was  not  done,  Consequently  an  injustice  has  been  done  to  me 
and  to  the  Government  by  leaving  ministers  ignorant  of  the 
facts  connected  with  this  subject. 

First  Question 

Were  you  informed  that  two  hundred  or  more  of  Such  Bombs 
were  anchored  in  any  particular  Channel  would  you  venture 
to  Sail  through  it  and  among  them, 
Answer  by  Capt  Hamilton  no 

Second. 

Had  the  Enemy  three  or  four  hundred  good  row  boats  with 
six  or  seven  thousand  men  exersised  to  them  and  such  boats 
were  established  along  their  coast  in  tens  or  twenties,  from 
Ostend  to  Brest  with  a  magazine  of  bombs  at  each  place  how 
could  they  be  prevented  anchoring  bombs  in  such  places  as 
would  endanger  the  commerce  and  fleets  of  England,? 

Third 

If  while  sailing  in  a  fleet  you  saw  two  or  three  of  the  head- 
most Vessels  blown  up  by  such  invisible  engines  would  it  not 
destroy  your  confidence  in  sailing  in  such  waters? 

Fourth 

Is  there  any  enemy  so  distressing  to  the  mind  of  a  seaman  or 
so  calculated  to  destroy  his  confidence  as  one  which  is  invisible 
and  instantanious  destruction  and  which  cannot  be  avoided 
but  by  forsaking  the  Seas  where  they  are? 


FAILURE   OF   THE   NEGOTIATIONS  137 

Fifth 

As  each  bomb  will  cost  14  say  20  £  and  fifty  thousand  of  them 
may  be  made  for  a  million  sterling  is  the  expence  compared 
with  the  advantage  which  is  would  give  France  any  considera- 
tion to  prevent  the  adoption  of  such  a  plan  as  one  thousand 
Bombs  would  distress  the  trade  for  one  year  — 50,000  would 
extend  their  terrors  to  50  years, 

Now  my  Lord  I  appeal  to  common  sense  whether  the  ob- 
jections started  by  Capt  Hamilton  are  suffecient  security  for 
the  great  interest  which  this  nation  has  at  Stake  against  such 

engines,? 

I  am  my  Lord  your  Lordships 
most  obedient  and  very  humble 

servant 

Robert  Fulton 

Sept  3d  1806 

Further  remarks  on  the  arguments  of 
Capt  Hamilton 


What  claim  said  he  has  Mr.  Fulton  to  Forty  thousand  pounds 
or  ten  thousand  or  any  other  sum  from  this  government,  while 
many  british  seamen  of  the  first  talents  do  not  get  half  the 
sum  in  a  whole  hfe  of  exertions?  I  myself  would  feel  happy 
to  be  so  rewarded. 

Answer. 

This  is  no  part  of  the  Question  the  point  for  consideration 
is  have  I  fulfilled  my  part  of  the  contract?  and  aught  not 
government  In  Justice  to  fulfill  their  part?  But  I  will  now 
put  my  pretentions  to  ample  reward  in  another  point  of  View. 

If  I  cannot  exhibit  to  the  world  an  easy  mode  of  destroying 
all  miUtary  marines  and  consequently  the  whole  poUtical  in- 
fluence of  England  If  I  cannot  give  a  clear  prospect  that  by 
my  exertions  and  the  exertions  of  my  friends  my  plans  must 
in  a  short  time  be  adopted  by  European  nations  at  varience 
with  England  then  I  will  admit  that  I  have  no  pretentions 
to  any  sum  from  this  government,  but  for  the  time  already 
spent  and  which  I  consider  as  paid, 

But  if  science  and  industry  has  developed  to  me  a  means 
-which  by  my  exertions  and  the  natural  order  of  things  must 


138  ROBERT   FULTON   AND    THE   SUBMARINE 

destroy  all  military  marines  and  consequently  that  of  England, 
and  if  to  preserve  the  power  of  the  British  marine  undeminished 
is  worth  milhons  to  the  nation  it  follows  that  my  neutrality 
is  of  as  much  real  value  to  the  nation  as  the  active  services 
of  any  man  in  it,.  And  I  might  say  of  more  for  there  is  not 
nor  ever  has  been  an  individual  in  England  who  could  render 
services  to  the  country  equal  to  what  the  marine  gives  yet 
there  are  Gentlemen  whose  income  from  government  is  from 
five  to  ten  thousand  a  year  for  services  which  hundreds  of  men 
can  do  when  I  speak  of  reward  it  is  for  what  only  three  men 
beside  myself  can  do  that  is  my  two  friends  in  America  and 
the  Earl  of  Stanhope  in  England.  Whether  I  possess  such 
powers  and  for  my  neutrality  merit  ample  compensation  can 
only  be  known  by  investigating  the  principles  and  practice  of 
the  engines. 

Robert  Fulton 

In  his  letters  Fulton  has  made  a  number  of  references 
to  his  friends  who  were  associated  with  him.  In  the 
above  letter  he  gives  the  only  clue  as  to  whom  they 
might  be.  At  the  time  when  this  letter  was  written, 
both  Robert  R.  Livingston  and  Joel  Barlow  had  returned 
to  the  United  States. 

The  above  two  letters  on  which  he  staked  everything, 
were  too  important  to  be  entrusted  to  a  messenger,  so 
Fulton  carried  them  himself.  In  order  to  be  sure  that 
Lord  Grenville  should  be  acquainted  with  the  contents, 
Fulton  read  them  aloud  as  is  shown  by  the  following 
footnote : 

On  the  3r  of  September  1806  I  had  an  interview  with  Lord 
Grenville  in  Downing  street  I  entered  his  room  about  three 
oclock  he  was,  alone  handed  me  a  chair  I  sat  down  near  him 
and  after  a  few  words  I  read  him  the  preceding  letters,  on 
which  no  comment  whatever  was  made  His  Lordship  only 
observed  that  he  could  not  then  say  anything  on  the  Subject 
and  I  retired. 

That  was  the  end.  His  work  of  twenty  years  in  Europe 
was  finished! 


Chapter  XI 
RETURN   TO   AMERICA 

Summary  of  the  British  negotiations.  America  used  as  a  threat.  Offer 
of  neutrality.  Fulton's  review  of  the  past  and  plans  for  the  future. 
Appeal  to  Jefferson.    Departure  for  home. 

One's  sympathy  goes  unreservedly  to  Fulton.  He  was 
at  this  time  almost  forty-one  years  old.  He  had  fought 
his  battle  of  life  alone,  without  money,  and  with  only  such 
friends  as  he  had  attracted  to  himself  from  time  to  time. 
He  had  tried  several  avenues  that  might  lead  to  success, 
but  he  found  that  one  after  the  other  came  to  an  end  in 
desert  fields.  To  his  latest  effort  he  had  devoted  nine 
years.  It  had  been  the  most  promising  of  them  all.  It 
had  brought  him  in  contact  with  many  powerful  people, 
it  had  provided  action  that  he  sought,  it  was  lighted  with 
the  bright  hopes  for  success,  and  for  the  past  two  years 
had  furnished  a  comfortable  living,  the  first  of  any  of  his 
efforts  so  to  do.  But  now  this  avenue  like  the  others  had 
reached  an  end.  This  disappointment  must  have  exceeded 
all  his  previous  disappointments.  He  had  abandoned  art, 
small  canal  construction  and  his  excavating  devices  at  a 
time  when  no  one  of  them  offered  any  great  encourage- 
ment. In  none  of  his  earlier  efforts  had  he  attained  a  good 
foothold.  In  his  submarine  he  had  buried  more  time  and 
energy  than  he  had  in  any  of  his  other  lines :  in  fact,  he 
had  spent  nearly  one  half  of  the  years  since  leaving  home 
in  its  study.  Whatever  estimate  he  had  placed  on  art  and 
his  various  engineering  projects,  this  time  he  knew  that 
he  was  right.  There  was  no  doubt  in  his  own  mind  as  to 
the  correctness  of  his  reasoning  and  the  workable  qual- 

139 


140  ROBERT   FULTON   AND   THE   SUBMARINE 

ities  of  his  invention.  All  the  harder  it  must  have  been, 
when  he  realized  that  he  could  not  make  men  see  it  as  he 
did,  other  than  his  two  unnamed  friends  in  America  and 
his  one  friend  in  England,  the  Earl  of  Stanhope. 

His  emotions  on  sailing  from  England  were  of  a  dis- 
tinctly different  character  from  those  he  felt  when  leav- 
ing France.  In  the  latter  country  he  had  been  rejected 
with  contumely,  the  first  real  shock  that  he  had  experi- 
enced. He  departed  from  France  sore  and  angry,  as 
has  been  shown.  In  England  he  had  been  treated 
quite  otherwise.  Throughout  his  stay  of  twenty- 
eight  months  he  had  been  shown  every  courtesy. 
He  had  the  entree  to  government  offices  and  enjoyed 
the  confidence  of  the  highest  officials,  including 
Mr.  Pitt  and  Lord  Grenville,  in  turn  prime  min- 
isters. The  disagreement  with  the  British  Government 
was  on  financial  grounds.  During  his  period  of  work  he 
had  received  a  generous  salary  in  addition  to  reimburse- 
ment for  aU  his  expenses.  Development  of  events  made 
Fulton  no  longer  necessary  to  the  Government  on  the  one 
hand,  while  on  the  other  his  steamboat  arrangement  with 
Chancellor  Livingston  was  forcing  Fulton's  return  to 
America.  Both  parties  were  ready  to  end  the  contractual 
relation.  The  British  Government,  not  having  received 
any  direct  benefit  from  Fulton's  ideas,  except  the  indirect 
one  that  he  had  been  kept  from  going  over  to  the  enemy, 
naturally  sought  a  means  of  terminating  the  contract 
without  further  payment.  Fulton,  equally  naturally, 
sought  substantial  pecuniary  reward.  He  was  past  the 
age  when  men  have  usually  made  their  mark,  and  had 
accomplished  nothing.  His  steamboat  plans  were  as  yet 
on  paper  with  nothing  more  definite  than  hope.  He  was 
in  debt  to  his  "  two  friends  in  America,"  a  debt  that  he 
could  repay  by  no  other  means  in  sight  than  through  his 
submarine  contract.  He,  therefore,  made  the  best  fight  he 
could,  single-handed,  to  obtain  a  favorable  settlement. 


RETURN   TO   AMERICA  141 

It  is  interesting  to  follow  the  working  of  Fulton's  mind 
in  these  final  negotiations  for  a  satisfactory  adjustment, 
as  shown  by  his  own  letters.  In  his  original  contract  of 
May,  1804,  he  made  no  reservation,  but  placed  his  ideas 
wholly  and  exclusively  at  the  disposition  of  the  British 
Government.  It  does  not  appear  that  he  gave  any  thought 
to  the  use  of  his  device  by  the  United  States.  This  is  not 
remarkable.  He  had  left  America  when  he  was  but 
twenty-one  years  old.  At  that  time  there  was  no  constitu- 
tion, no  federal  government,  nothing  but  a  confederacy 
of  colonies  disturbed  by  strong  jealousies  of  each  other. 
He  had  lived  abroad  for  twenty  years,  including  the  form- 
ative period  of  a  man's  character.  His  sole  tie  with  his 
native  country,  his  mother,  had  been  cut  by  her  death. 
The  Barlows  were  quite  as  much  French  as  American. 
There  was  nothing  except  the  friendship  and  personality 
of  Livingston  to  rouse  in  him  a  sense  of  patriotism,  or 
lead  him  to  feel  the  existence  of  a  national  spirit  in  a 
united  country  in  America. 

The  first  reference  to  the  use  of  his  submarine  by 
America  appears  in  his  letter  to  Lord  Castlereagh,  dated 
*'  London  December  13th,  1805,"  given  on  pages  104r-8. 
When  this  letter  was  written,  it  was  becoming  clear  to 
Fulton  that  the  British  Government  might  refuse  to  make 
payment  under  the  contract,  and  that  he  would  have  to  use 
some  sort  of  force  to  compel  a  compliance  with  the  terms. 
The  only  force  that  he  could  employ  would  be  a  threat  to 
give  his  secret  to  some  other  power.  France  was  now  quite 
out  of  the  question,  and  there  was  no  one  power  in  Europe 
that  could  serve  as  a  means  to  scare.  The  United  States, 
now  become  a  nation,  was  the  only  hope.  In  his  letter  to 
Lord  Castlereagh  he  advances  the  ingenious  solution  that 
he  receive  a  substantial  cash  payment  and  an  annuity, 
the  latter  to  continue  only  so  long  as  the  secret  was  kept 
inviolate  by  him.  He  concludes  by  diplomatically  hinting 
that  the  only  government  to  whom  he  would  be  likely  to 


142  ROBERT   FULTON   AND   THE   SUBMARINE 

explain  his  invention  would  be  his  own.  In  the  paper 
that  he  read  to  the  Arbitrators  he  makes  a  distinct  threat 
that,  unless  a  satisfactory  offer  be  made,  he  will  not  only 
give  his  secret  to  America  but  publish  it  to  the  whole 
world,  although  he  modified  this  by  stating  that  he  had 
*'  no  desire  to  introduce  my  Engines  into  practice  for  the 
benefit  of  any  other  Nation."    (page  126.) 

Although  refused  by  the  Arbitrators,  he  made  a  final 
effort  with  Lord  Grenville,  on  September  3rd,  to  obtain 
his  pecuniary  award,  by  again  offering  what  he  called  his 
**  neutrality."     (pages  137-8.) 

But  the  best  exposition  of  Fulton's  position  is  given 
by  himself  in  the  concluding  pages  of  his  Notes,  this  part 
being  written  after  his  letters  to  and  audience  of  Lord 
Grenville  on  September  3rd.  This  quotation  was  his 
final  word : 

''  I  have  now  said  suffecient  of  this  System  to  enable 
any  ingenious  man  to  make  and  arrange  the  Engines  and 
any  maritime  nation  to  carry  the  whole  into  effect.  If 
I  live  it  is  my  intention  to  give  this  system  to  the  public 
engraved  with  every  necessary  detail  and  I  have  made 
these  sketches  and  this  loose  description  which  is  litte 
more  than  a  sketch  of  my  studies  on  this  Subject  In 
order  that  they  may  not  be  lost  to  my  country  and  man- 
kind in  case  of  any  accident  to  me, 

The  prosecution  of  this  system  will  put  maritime  na- 
tions on  equal  means  of  offensive  war,  will  give  them 
equal  means  of  distressing  each  others  commerce  or  de- 
stroying their  Ships  of  war  and  consequently  will  produce 
the  liberty  of  the  Seas.  What  I  mean  By  the  liberty 
of  the  seas,  is  that  all  Vessels  of  all  nations  should 
carry  any  kind  of  Cargo  to  any  port  of  any  and  every 
nation  whever  (wherever?)  the  owners  thought  proper  to 
Send  her  if  In  such  port  she  could  not  dispose  of  her  cargo 
or  found  a  duty  equal  to  a  prohibition  then  let  her  go  else- 


RETURN   TO   AMERICA  143 

where,  unmolested  for  the  perfect  liberty  of  trade  is  the 
real  interest  of  all  mankind.  Under  such  a  system  Infi- 
nate  stupid  causes  of  war  will  be  done  away,  and  the 
genius  and  millions  which  are  now  Expended  on  wars, 
will  then  be  directed  to  useful  enterprises  — 

With  such  immense  and  humain  objects  In  View  and 
which  has  been  the  great  Stimules  to  my  prosecuting  of 
this  subject.  It  may  be  necessary  to  give  a  reason  for  offer- 
ing to  abandon  these  inventions  to  the  British  government 
to  use  or  not  as  they  might  think  proper. 

My  first  reason  is  that  my  country  does  not  at  present 
seem  to  require  such  engines  And  although  I  had  written 
to  Mr.  Jefferson  twice  on  the  progress  I  had  made  and  the 
final  happy  consequences  of  such  a  system  I  never  had  an 
answer  from  him  nor  do  I  know  that  I  shall  have  the  least 
encouragement  in  America  to  systematize  these  plans  for 
the  use  of  the  Country 

Second,  Untill  my  country  feels  the  importance  of 
these  engines  and  seeing  the  power  which  they  possess 
to  give  liberty  to  the  seas,  and  will  unite  with  me  in 
introducing  them  effectually  into  the  world,  and  consider- 
ing the  immense  advantages  which  America  would  gain 
from  a  perfect  liberty  of  the  seas,  and  would  make  my 
friends  a  reasonable  compensation  for  the  Sums  they  have 
advanced  to  enable  me  to  prosecute  my  experiments, 
Untill  my  ("  country,"  undoubtedly  omitted)  sees  such 
advantages  and  does  such  things  It  is  right  that  I  Should 
do  everything  in  my  power  for  the  interest  of  such  friends 
and  even  to  guard  my  own  Interest  Will  any  American  or 
liberal  minded  man  call  such  actions  sorded  and  wish  me 
to  abandon  years  of  Industry  to  the  public  good  while 
neither  he  nor  the  government  have  offered  one  Shilling 
to  promote  so  glorious  an  enterprise  ? 

Third 
As  my  country  has  not  inunediate  use  for  such  engines 
and  the  prosecution  of  my  system  may  now  be  considered 


144  ROBERT   FULTON   AND   THE   SUBMARINE 

on  the  broad  scale  of  general  good  It  is  no  abandonment 
of  my  plan  to  take  some  years  to  reflect  on  it  and  give 
give  it  to  the  world  with  every  demonstration  of  probable 
success. 

Fourth. 
As  I  am  bound  in  honor  to  Mr.  Livingston  to  put  my  steam 
boat  in  practice  and  such  an  engine  is  of  more  immediate 
use  to  my  country  than  submarine  navigation  I  wish  to 
devote  some  years  to  it  and  Should  the  British  Govern- 
ment allow  me  an  annuity  I  Should  not  only  do  Justice 
to  my  friends  but  it  would  enable  me  to  carry  my  steam 
Boat  and  other  plans  into  effect  for  the  good  of  my  coim- 
try.  It  is  therefore  for  this  reason  I  have  offered  Eng- 
land my  neutrality  for  the  present  and  when  I  proposed 
an  annuity  it  was  only  to  continue  for  so  long  as  my 
engines  were  not  used  by  france  or  any  other  nation 
against  England,  this  is  doing  justice  to  all  parties  and 
leaving  me  at  liberty  to  abandon  the  annuity  whenever 
my  friends  and  I  might  think  proper,  to  introduce  the 
engines  into  practice. 

It  never  has  been  my  intention  to  hide  these  inventions 
from  the  world  on  any  consideration  on  the  contrary  it 
ever  has  been  my  intention  to  make  them  public  as  soon  as 
consistent  with  Strict  justice  to  all  with  whome  I  am 
concerned 

For  myself  I  have  ever  considered  the  interest  of 
America,  free  commerce  the  interest  of  mankind  the  mag- 
nitude of  the  objective  view  and  the  rational  reputation 
connected  with  it  superior  to  all  calculations  of  a 
pecuniary  Mind 

Eobert  Fulton  " 

It  will  be  seen  that  Fulton  made  two  appeals  to  the 
President  at  Washington,  undoubtedly  when  his  negotia- 
tions for  a  final  settlement  with  the  British  Government 
were  beginning  to  take  a  discouraging  turn.     But  Mr. 


RETURN   TO   AMERICA  145 

Jefferson    apparently    never    even    acknowledged    his 

letters. 

Scorned  by  France,  played  with  and  then  rejected  by 
England,  ignored  by  America,  Fulton  with  weary  heart 
and  disappointed  spirit  set  out  in  October,  1806,  on  the  re- 
turn to  his  own  country,  that  he  had  left,  with  only  forty 
guineas  in  his  pocket,  but  radiant  with  youth's  hopes, 
twenty  years  before.  He  still  had  hope,  and  his  courage 
had  never  failed  him.  Now,  at  last,  he  was  to  win  his  re- 
ward, in  the  way  most  dear  to  him,  by  receiving  recog- 
nition of  his  talents.  Though  he  had  but  the  short  space 
of  nine  years  more  to  live,  nevertheless,  before  they  were 
completed  he  was  to  achieve  everlasting  fame  through  his 
steamboat  "  Clermont." 

His  submarine  plans  he  had  left  in  England.  He  dis- 
missed them  from  further  consideration  in  the  excitement 
of  his  other  success.  Then  came  his  death,  and  his  plans 
lay  dormant.  Others  were  to  work  over  the  same  idea  and 
bring  it  after  many  trials  to  perfection,  until  finally  after 
an  interval  of  more  than  one  hundred  years,  it  was  to  be- 
come, as  Fulton  foresaw,  a  great  offensive  force.  It  was 
then  to  be  used,  but  not  as  he  could  have  imagined,  against 
the  three  countries,  jointly,  that  he  served  and  loved 
in  turn. 


Chapter  XII 
EXAMINATION   OF    FULTON'S   DESIGN 

What  the  Nautilus  accomplished.  The  British  design  compared 
with  that  of  the  Nautilus.  Folding  propeller.  Horizontal  propeller. 
Details  of  machinery.  Effectiveness  of  the  vessel.  Screening  the 
Channel. 

However  interesting  from  an  academic  point  of  view 
may  be  Fulton's  views  on  philosophy,  free  trade  and 
social  problems,  and  his  personal  peculiarities  as  dis- 
played in  his  negotiations  with  government  officials,  the 
animating  question  of  historical  bearing  relates  to  the 
boat  itself.  Was  the  design  practical,  would  it  as  de- 
veloped have  been  able  to  serve  a  useful  purpose,  or  was 
it  only  a  single  step  in  a  long  process  of  evolution? 

The  NautOus,  defective  as  she  was  in  many  particulars 
which  Fidton  admitted,  clearly  demonstrated  certain 
facts :  firstly,  that  a  boat  coidd  be  made  to  plunge  and 
rise  at  will;  secondly,  that  it  could  remain  under  water 
with  a  crew  of  three  men  for  several  hours;  thirdly, 
that  it  could  be  manoeuvered  and  steered  by  the  com- 
pass under  water  as  well  as  on  the  surface.  These 
features  are  the  essence  of  the  principle  of  successful 
submarine  practice,  and  so  much  Fulton  accomplished. 

It  is  a  far  cry  from  a  little  vessel  like  the  Nautilus, 
no  bigger  than  a  ship's  boat  that  is  carried  at  the  davits, 
to  a  modern  submarine  capable  of  keeping  the  seas  for 
many  weeks,  of  crossing  and  recrossing  the  ocean  without 
replenishing  either  stores  or  fuel,  and  of  carrying  not 
only  torpedoes  and  apparatus  for  their  discharge  but  also 
a  12-inch  long-range  gun  firing  a  projectile  weighing 
nearly  one-half  ton.     Except  as  to  size,  which  is  not 

146 


EXAMINATION   OF    FULTON'S   DESIGN  147 

really  a  basic  feature  of  principle,  the  modern  submarine 
differs  from  Fulton's  proposals  in  that  it  possesses  an 
engine  actuated  when  on  the  surface  by  a  fuel  (oil)  whose 
activity  can  be  instantly  stopped  preparatory  to  plung- 
ing, and  by  a  power  (electric  storage  battery)  that 
neither  generates  heat  nor  vitiates  the  air  while  sub- 
merged. For  that  combination  of  motive  power  the 
world  had  to  wait  another  hundred  years. 

The  Nautilus,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  was  something 
vastly  more  than  a  toy  or  experimental  model.  It  pos- 
sessed real  offensive  powers,  and  a  fleet  of  them,  as 
Fulton  proposed  and  as  the  British  navy  officials  feared, 
would  have  been  able  to  do  real  havoc.  In  estimating 
the  offensive  power  of  Fulton's  design,  the  picture  of 
the  modern  submarine  must  be  kept  out  of  sight.  The 
latter  is  called  on  to  meet  conditions  of  mechanical  de- 
velopment and  types  of  hostile  vessels  that  are  as  much 
in  advance  of  those  existing  when  Fulton  lived,  as  is  the 
complicated  mechanism  of  a  present-day  submarine  over 
the  hand-driven  propeller  proposed  by  him. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  last  century,  a  ship-of-the-line 
was  a  very  unwieldly  affair.  She  was  bluff  bowed  and 
high  sided  and  consequently  could  be  handled  satisfac- 
torily only  when  "  off  the  wind."  Even  under  these 
favorable  conditions,  speed  was  comparatively  slow. 
With  a  light  wind,  especially  with  a  light  adverse  wind, 
she  could  make  but  little  headway.  Such  a  wind  ren- 
dered capital  ships  practically  helpless.  That  they  were 
not  destroyed  by  the  opposing  force  was  because  at  such 
times  the  opposing  force  was  helpless  too.  A  boat  that 
had  offensive  power  of  attack  and  had  means  of  loco- 
motion enough  to  overcome  tidal  currents  would  have 
been  an  effective  menace.  As  Fulton  pointed  out,  the 
only  measure  of  defense  by  a  large  vessel  at  anchor  would 
lie  in  a  cordon  of  small  boats.  But  a  boat  fully,  or  even 
partially,  submerged  would  have  had  an  excellent  chance 


148  ROBERT   FULTON   AND   THE   SUBMARINE 

to  get  throiigli  a  cordon  and  destroy  her  prey.  In  spite 
of  the  limitation  of  sjjeed  and  cruising  range  that  today 
would  condemn  any  such  boat  as  absolutely  worthless, 
these  limitations  w^ere  sufficiently  generous  when  com- 
pared with  the  status  of  naval  architecture  that  j^re- 
vailed  in  1800-1806  to  make  Fulton's  submarine,  when 
he  proposed  it,  a  factor  of  actual  and  positive  value. 

If  that  can  be  said  of  the  Nautilus,  all  the  more  it  is 
true  of  the  design  that  he  submitted  to  the  British 
Government.  Between  the  Brest  experiments  in  1801 
and  his  proposals  in  1804,  as  evidenced  by  his  ' '  Drawings 
and  Descriptions,"  it  is  clear  that  he  had  given  the 
matter  considerable  thought  and  to  some  purpose.  The 
specifications  as  submitted  to  the  British  agent  called 
for  a  boat  35  feet  long  and  10  feet  beam  as  compared 
with  the  similar  dimensions  of  the  Nautilus  of  21  ft.  3  in. 
and  6  ft.  4  in.,  respectively,  giving  at  least  three  times 
the  tonnage.  It  was  to  carry  a  crew  of  six  instead  of 
three  men  with  provisions  sufficient  to  enable  her 
to  be  kept  at  sea  for  20  days.  The  offensive  capacity 
was  30  submarine  bombs  (or  mines)  as  against  a  single 
trailing  one  with  the  Nautilus.  The  vessel  designed  for 
the  British  Government  was  a  real  sea-going  boat  that 
could  independently  navigate  the  Channel  while  the 
little  Nautilus  could  not  venture  far  from  land  or  from 
some  large  vessel  acting  as  a  base. 

An  examination  of  the  details,  particularly  those 
on  Plates  First  and  Second  will  disclose  many  improve- 
ments over  the  French  prototype,  shown  facing  page 
26.  In  the  first  place  the  hull  is  that  of  a  seagoing 
boat,  equipped  with  a  well-developed  sail  plan  for 
propulsion  when  on  the  surface  and  not  the  queer  con- 
traption that  the  French  marine  architects  condemned. 
On  the  surface  this  boat  could  have  been  handled  as 
easily  and  she  would  have  sailed  as  fast  as  any  sloop 
of  the  same  size.     The  mast  could  have  been  laid  back 


EXAMINATION   OF   FULTON'S   DESIGN  149 

on  the  deck  and  the  sails  disposed  of  in  a  few  minutes 
preparatory  to  plunging. 

To  plunge  and  again  come  to  the  surface  of  the  water, 
ballast  tanks,  sea  valves  and  hand  pumps  provided  ample 
facilities  readily  to  overcome  or  restore  excess  of  buoy- 
ancy. The  brass  cylinder  with  the  hemispherical  ends 
would  suffice  to  withstand  the  exterior  hydrostatic  pres- 
sure. The  required  thickness  of  shell  was  a  matter  of 
computation,  one  readily  made  with  certainty  even  in 
those  days. 

The  difficulty  with  all  early  submarines  was  motion 
beneath  the  surface.  In  the  British  plan,  Fulton  pro- 
posed to  obtain  motion  by  a  manually  operated  crank 
turning  a  propeller.  The  boat  was  larger  than  the 
Nautilus,  but  so  also  would  have  been  the  crew.  For 
short  distances  he  could  undoubtedly  have  driven  the 
boat  at  his  estimated  speed.  The  propeller  was  a  two- 
bladed  affair  of  modern  type.  Fulton  had  now  definitely 
abandoned  the  full  helical  or  Archimedes  screw  that 
Bushnell  used  and  which  he  had  himself  tried  in  his 
first  experiments. 

Reference  to  Plate  First  and  its  description  will  show, 
however,  an  exceedingly  interesting  addition  that  Fulton 
had  made  in  the  British  boat.  He  reasoned  correctly 
that  a  propeller  when  not  turning  would  cause  a  con- 
siderable drag  to  the  boat  when  sailing,  and  thus  reduce 
her  speed.  He,  therefore,  arranged  that  his  propeller 
could  be  folded  so  as  to  lie  horizontally.  This  he  pro- 
posed to  do  by  a  hand  crank  and  gearing  operated  from 
within  the  boat.  On  Plate  Seventh  it  will  be  seen  that  the 
propeller  when  folded  lay  well  above  the  water  surface 
and  so  would  not  have  been  an  impediment  to  the  mo- 
tion of  the  boat.  When  it  is  recalled  that  the  propeller 
was  not  generally  adopted  as  a  means  of  vessel  propul- 
sion until  after  1845,  when  the  steamship  Great  Britain 
crossed  the  ocean  between  England  and  New  York,  the 


150    ROBERT  FULTON  AND  THE  SUBMARINE 

first  vessel  driven  by  a  screw  propeller  to  accomplish 
the  feat,  and  that  a  propeller  that  could  be  folded  or 
hoisted  above  water  was  not  introduced  until  about  1850, 
because  at  that  period  steam  was  merely  an  auxiliary 
to  sails,  it  will  be  seen  how  far  ahead  of  his  time  Fulton 
was  in  the  design  that  he  made  in  1804. 

Another  radical  innovation  was  a  horizontal  propeller. 
Marked  B  in  Plate  First,  attached  near  the  bow  of  the 
boat.  This  propeller,  also  actuated  by  a  crank  from 
within  the  boat,  was  to  give  the  boat  vertical  motion 
when  submerged  and  so  enable  it  to  be  kept  at  any  depth 
that  might  be  desired.  This  principle  of  the  horizontal 
propeller  is  that  of  the  helicopter,  the  device  now  being 
experimented  with  by  airplane  designers  in  order  to  give 
planes  a  vertical  motion  or  permit  them  to  hover  sta- 
tionary in  the  air.  It  was  precisely  those  same  results 
in  the  water  that  Fulton  undertook  to  accomplish  with 
his  submarine. 

The  other  mechanism  in  the  interior  of  the  boat  is 
simple  and  self-explanatory.  There  were  two  anchors 
with  windlasses,  one  anchor  to  hold  in  the  usual  manner 
against  drifting,  the  other  to  regulate  depth  when  lying 
stationary.  There  were  pumps  for  emptying  the  water 
ballast  chambers.  On  deck  was  a  conning  tower  quite 
similar  to  the  tower  on  a  modern  submarine,  which  served 
when  closed  as  a  lookout  for  the  helmsman,  and  when 
open  as  means  of  ingress  and  egress  for  the  crew.  This 
conning  tower  had  glass  windows  through  which  an  ob- 
server could  watch  hig  prey,  or  steer  his  course  when  the 
boat  was  partially  submerged.  Plate  Fifth  shows  how  the 
conning  tower  could  be  used  when  it  should  be  the  only 
part  of  the  vessel  above  the  surface.  This  particular 
plate  is  of  peculiar  interest  in  that  Fulton  has  drawn 
a  picture  of  himself  looking  through  the  glass-covered 
ports.    In  the  original  drawing  the  head  is  full  size. 

Attached  to  the  conning  tower  were  two  pipes  marked 


EXAMINATION   OF   FULTON'S   DESIGN  151 

F  and  G  in  Plate  Second.  These  pipes  led  to  the  interior 
of  the  boat  and  permitted  fresh  air  to  be  drawn  in,  and 
the  vitiated  or  mephitic  air  (as  Fulton  called  it)  ex- 
pelled. These  pipes  permitted  the  boat  to  be  submerged 
so  that  the  deck  was  just  awash,  the  only  part  above 
the  surface  being  the  upper  half  of  the  conning  tower 
and  the  air  pipes.  This  is  the  situation  as  shown  in 
Plate  Fifth.  So  operated,  the  boat  did  not  differ  mate- 
rially from  a  modern  submarine  under  similar  conditions 
with  her  periscope  out  of  water. 

From  Fulton's  small  conning  tower  he  had  only  direct 
vision.  A  periscope  enables  the  boat  to  be  wholly  sub- 
merged with  vision  obtained  by  reflecting  mirrors.  But  a 
boat  submerged  so  as  to  be  just  awash,  with  only  the 
conning  tower  showing,  and  driven  by  a  hand-operated 
propeller  could  have  entered  at  night  unseen  almost  any 
harbor,  because  in  those  days  there  were  no  powerful 
searchlights  to  illuminate  the  surface  of  the  water  at  a 
distance. 

The  British  were  right  in  the  secret  note  that  they 
sent  to  the  naval  commanders  that  Fulton's  boat, 
even  without  the  later  improvements  that  he  showed  the 
British  Govermnent,  could  in  the  hands  of  the  French 
have  made  an  attack  with  very  serious  results  upon  an 
open  roadstead  such  as  the  mouth  of  the  Thames. 

According  to  modern  phraseology,  Fulton's  British 
boat  was  a  submersible  rather  than  a  submarine.  The 
latter  term  defines  a  vessel  that  has  powers  of  offense 
under  water  by  torpedoes  that  in  turn  have  means  of 
locomotion.  With  such  a  torpedo  neither  Fulton  nor 
the  art  was  acquainted.  His  torpedoes  or  "  bombs  " 
were  immobile  affairs  intended  to  be  anchored,  dragged 
by  a  boat  or  allowed  to  drift  with  the  tide  and  to  explode 
by  concussion. 

With  the  Nautilus  it  is  true  that  he  contemplated 
dragging  a  "  bomb  "  beneath  the  bottom  of  a  ship  to  be 


152  ROBERT   FULTON   AND   THE   SUBMARINE 

attacked,  and  in  this  respect  the  Nautilus  possessed 
some  feature  of  a  true  submarine.  The  plan  that  he 
proposed  for  the  Nautilus  presented  many  serious  diffi- 
culties depending  as  it  did  on  the  fixing  of  a  spike  in 
the  bottom  of  the  other  vessel.  Fulton  himself  appar- 
ently reached  the  conclusion  that  this  suggestion  was 
impracticable,  through  actual  experiments  or  further 
study.  The  boat  that  he  proposed  for  the  British  Gov- 
ernment had  no  such  attachment,  but  instead  was  de- 
signed to  carry  "  bombs  "  to  be  deposited  secretly  in 
an  enemy  harbor,  and  there  to  be  anchored  so  as  to  re- 
main beneath  the  surface  when  they  would  come  in  con- 
tact with  the  bottoms  of  passing  vessels,  or  to  be  released 
in  couples  held  by  bridles  and  thus  to  be  carried  by  tidal 
currents  across  the  cables  of  anchored  ships  when  the 
'*  bombs "  would  be  drawn  beneath  the  vessel  and 
explode. 

What  Fulton  called  ''  bombs  "  are  today  known  as 
mines.  No  means  are  shown  in  his  plans  by  which  these 
mines  could  be  placed  or  released  while  his  boat  was 
submerged.  The  capability  to  submerge  and  to  move 
beneath  the  surface  was  expected  to  permit  the  boat  to 
work  into  a  harbor  unperceived,  and  there  to  lie  in  wait 
beneath  the  surface  until  night  presented  the  opportunity 
to  rise  unseen,  when  the  mines  would  be  placed  or  set 
free.  The  successful  experiment  with  the  Dorothea 
showed  that  his  mines  could  be  completely  effective  and 
that,  therefore,  his  submersible  mine  layer,  as  perhaps 
she  can  be  correctly  described,  could  have  been  developed 
into  a  very  effective  engine  of  war. 

In  Fulton's  bombs,  as  he  calls  them,  we  are  not  par- 
ticularly interested  because  he  has  fully  described  these 
devices  in  his  book  that  he  wrote  on  Torpedo  Warfare. 
It  is,  however,  in  view  of  subsequent  events  exceedingly 
interesting  to  point  out  that  Fulton  foresaw  the  condi- 
tions that  actually  obtained  in  the  recent  war. 


EXAMINATION   OF   FULTON'S   DESIGN  153 

On  pages  71-2  of  the  "  Descriptions/'  lie  explained  how 
hundreds  of  such  bombs  or  mines  could  be  strewn  in 
the  channel  of  the  Thames  or  along  the  coast  and  it 
would  not  be  in  the  power  of  the  whole  British  marine 
to  prevent  such  practice.  This  is  precisely  what  the 
Germans  undertook  to  do,  forcing  the  British,  even 
though  they  had  control  of  the  open  seas,  to  sweep  the 
Channel  by  daylight,  day  after  day,  in  order  to  remove 
mines  that  might  have  been  planted  during  the  night. 
Furthermore,  Fulton  pointed  out  that  a  line  of  such 
mines  could  be  strung  from  Calais  to  Dover,  rendering 
it  '*  impossible  for  any  vessel  to  pass  without  certain 
destruction."  When  the  German  submarine  attack  on 
British  commerce  became  seriously  acute,  the  British 
authorities  put  into  execution  that  which  Fulton  had 
suggested  and  strung  a  line  of  obstructions  across  the 
Channel  from  Dover  to  Calais  thereby  compelling  the 
German  submarines  to  pass  around  the  northern  coast 
of  Scotland  in  order  to  reach  the  open  sea. 

Speaking  of  the  effect  of  submarines  and  mines, 
Fulton's  language  is  worthy  of  repetition  because  the 
sinister  side  of  his  prophecy  became  so  nearly  realized 
between  1914  and  1918; 

The  moment  this  System  or  any  other  reduces  the  British 
marine  to  Boat  fighting,  the  revered  Sovereignty  of  the  Seas 
will  be  forever  lost;  Colonies  must  be  Abandoned  and  the 
whole  influence  which  England  holds  in  the  scale  of  nations 
will  Vanish,  This  is  the  natural  and  obvious  consequence  of 
this  system  when  reduced  to  practice  and  prosicuted  by  a 
powerful  nation  with  energy  and  Spirit.  The  Wealth  of 
England  and  the  existence  of  her  fleets  depend  on  her  immense 
and  uninterrupted  commerce,  But  should  France  ever  possess 
a  means  to  cut  ofi"  or  interrupt  such  trade,  England  would  be 
obliged  to  submit  to  any  terms  which  Bonapart  might  think 
proper  to  dictate. 


154  ROBERT   FULTON   AND   THE   SUBMARINE 

Substituting  Germany  for  France  and  Hohenzollern 
for  Bonaparte,  we  have  precisely  the  very  situation 
that  existed  in  1915,  when  the  naval  authorities  of 
Germany  expected  to  break  the  power  of  Great  Britain, 
and  in  which  attempt  they  came  so  perilously  near 
success. 

The  Commission  charged  by  the  Directory  to  examine 
the  plan  of  the  Nautilus  gave  credit  in  its  report  on  Sep- 
tember 5th,  1798,  to  Fulton  for  having  invented  a  terrible 
means  of  destruction  since  it  acts  in  silence.  That  de- 
scription was  merited,  but  it  remained  no  more  than  an 
expression  of  private  opinion.  It  failed  to  secure  for 
Fulton  the  public  support  to  which  his  device  entitled 
him.  The  world,  perhaps  fortunately,  had  to  wait  a  cen- 
tury for  the  production  of  this  engine  of  destruction.  In 
the  light  of  experience  an  examination  of  Fulton's  im- 
proved plan  as  contained  in  his  ' '  Drawings  and  Descrip- 
tions," fully  confirms  the  decision  of  the  French  Com- 
mission in  that: 


''  LE  BATEAU  SOUS-MARIN  IMAGINE  PAR  LE  CITOYEN 
FULTON  EST  UN  MOYEN  DE  DESTRUCTION  TERRIBLE^  FARCE 
QU^IL  AGIT  DANS  LE  SILENCE  ET  D^UNE  MANIERE  PRESQUE 
INEVITABLE.  ^^ 


■■              14  DAY  USE               '^ 

RETURN  TO  DESK  FROM  WHICH  BORROWED 

LOAN  DEPT. 

This  book  is  due  on  the  last  date  stamped  below,  or 
on  the  date  to  which  renewed. 
_,   Renewed  books  are  subject  to  immediate  recall. 

MAVn  n 

'^^^^1966  33 

MAY  18  "66  28  RCB 

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